The inauguration of a new President in Ghana some few days ago brought to the fore the debate on the role of military junta in Africa’s political landscape.
The debate was sparked by some pictures, which went viral on social media of the President of Botswana, Duma Boko, seated next to his counterpart from Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traore.
President Traore who spotted military regalia as well as armed with a pistol during the inauguration, raised many questions on security protocol during the event as well as the debate on whether military rule is better than democratically elected civilian governments.
Talking of Burkina Faso, it must be noted that the country is one of those countries in the ECOWAS region that has a coup ridden history, between 1960 and 2015 there has never been a peaceful transfer of power in Burkina Faso determined by ballot box elections. In fact, the country has suffered four successful military coups in a space of seven years between 1980 and 1987.
Two years have passed since Burkina Faso witnessed its second coup within a year, on September 30, 2022, plunging the troubled nation into deeper instability and uncertainty. This is despite the fact that these military coups were received with nationwide public celebrations by the local populations who were fed up with the deteriorating security situation under the democratically elected government of Roch Christian Kabore.
Since these pivotal events, it is important to examine some of the governance factors that led to them and the profound impact they have had on the country’s security and its people as well as to assess on whether military rule has made any positive impact on the socio-economic situation. The coups in Burkina Faso are not isolated incidents but symptoms of long-standing issues in the nation’s defence and security sectors, made worse by persistent corruption and weak governance.
The first coup in January 2022, led by Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, was partly fuelled by the Burkinabè government’s inability to contain the growing jihadist insurgency that had plagued the region as well as weak civilian oversight of the military. Despite international support and initiatives aimed at stabilising the country, the government’s efforts faltered, leaving the population increasingly vulnerable to extremist violence.
This continued failure eroded public trust in the government’s leadership. After a series of anti-government protests,the country’s democratically elected president, Kaboré, was ousted by members of the Burkina Faso Armed Forces on January 23. Just months later, on September 30, 2022, a second coup, led by Captain Ibrahim Traoré and comprised of other members of the armed forces frustrated with the lack of progress in improving the security situation, overthrew the leaders of the first. But instead of paving the way for stability, this second coup further destabilised the country, deepening the security crisis and undermining any prospects for effective governance. Figures from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) project show 1, 985 civilians were killed in Burkina Faso during the two years leading up to the second coup (from September 30, 2020, to September 30, 2022). Despite the leaders of both coups claiming they would improve the security situation, 4, 843 civilians were killed in the two years after September 30, 2022.
At the heart of Burkina Faso’s instability lies a deep-seated problem of weak governance and pervasive corruption within the defence and security sectors. Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI) of 2020 found that the country faces considerable corruption risk across its defence institutions, with little to no transparency or controls across finances and procurement. These issues significantly contributed to weakening the resilience of the military and its ability to effectively address the jihadist threat.
Corruption within the country’s defence and security sector has diverted resources away from critical security needs, weakening the military’s operational capabilities while eroding the trust between the armed forces and the civilian government. The lack of safeguards against corruption in defence and security institutions has played a major role in the deteriorating security situation, creating fertile ground for insurgent groups to exploit and thrive.
The ongoing jihadist insurgency has had devastating effects on Burkina Faso’s security landscape and its people. Attacks have become more frequent and brutal, targeting both the military personnel and civilians. The pervasive insecurity has created a climate of fear and instability, with entire communities displaced. Burkina Faso is currently ranked number one on the Global Terrorism Index of 2024 and it accounts to a quarter of global terrorist deaths.
When Traore came to power after a military coup in 2022, he promised to improve the security situation as well as governance within a very short time. The country’s withdrawal from ECOWAS saw it strengthen its political and military cooperation with Mali and Niger, although as the ECOWAS withdrawal shows and these three countries formed the Alliance of Sahel States to combat terrorism and promote economic cooperation. The alliance gives them political cover and support in the face of growing pressure from ECOWAS and other regional institutions to comply with their transition deadlines.
Despite these initiatives, however, security in Burkina Faso has worsened. According to the African Centre for Strategic Studies, deaths caused by militant Islamist violence have nearly tripled compared to the 18 months before the January 2022 coup, and violence has increased by 46%. This trend, combined with the spread of extremist activities around Ouagadougou, places Burkina Faso on the brink of collapse.
Traoré’s second commitment was to deal with the country’s humanitarian crisis. With nearly two million people internally displaced and over 36, 000 refugees, Burkina Faso needs about US$877 million to provide essential aid, shelter, healthcare and support according to the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies. But the funding gap remains, with dire consequences for those in need.
Regarding the third goal of rebuilding the State and improving governance, the junta has passed important new legislation targeting clientelism and political patronage in the public service. Anti-corruption efforts led to the arrests and imprisonment of some influential individuals.
But overall, progress on implementing reforms and combating corruption has been slow, raising doubts about the government’s commitment to this objective.
The last of Traoré’s pledges was to supervise the holding of elections to restore constitutional and democratic rule. Up to date there is total lack of urgency on this score and besides cancelling elections that were supposed to be held in 2024 on the reasoning that elections were not a priority (Traoré said his priority was addressing insecurity and safeguarding the nation – not elections), the Junta has extended its transitional rule for another five years, which means Traore will be in power until 2030.
The major challenges facing Burkina Faso’s transition are exacerbated by its decision to exit ECOWAS. The withdrawal questions not only the junta’s commitment to holding elections by June 2024 but also the entire transition process. The decision, together with internal conflicts, escalating security concerns and diplomatic shifts, underscore the fragility of Burkina Faso’s transition. Dialogue is urgently needed on the withdrawal and the transition timetable.