Moatlhodi saga portrays the BDP as undemocratic

A majority win by a party in general elections legitimises a democratic government; a majority win in the primary elections legitimises the candidate as a popular representative of the party. What the general and primary elections do, is to demonstrate the participation of people in the government process, in theory and practice.

In the aftermath of Honourable Pono Moatlhodi's recall from contesting the 2009  elections, a caller in the Masa-a-sele, Radio Botswana Programme, justified the recall of the MP on the cynical allegation that the BDP had the right to do so, because it was they who had sponsored him as a candidate.

I was shocked to hear such a blatant emasculation of the truth. Instead of boasting as many of his colleagues did, that they had achieved a more democratic party status by embracing inner party democracy of primary elections, he tries to reclaim his party's undemocratic past to defend its current degeneration into autocratic chaos.

The irony of the statement, asserting the BDP sponsors Bulela ditswe candidates, is that, it was uttered by someone who appears regularly as a BDP spokesperson, in the press, lambasting opposition rivals for fulminating against the autocracy of President  Khama.

Unless the BDP distances itself from spokespersons who exude remarks that distort their policies, they may be risking an image the ANC is beginning to assume courtesy of one loose-tongued Julius Malema who incidentally, recently visited Botswana to exchange notes with the BDP Youth Wing.

The truth of the matter is that BDP Bulela ditswe candidates volunteer to take part in the  exercise. The BDP does not sponsor candidates. In terms of the party regulations winners are subject to party vetting on the basis of criteria set by the party. Moatlhodi we know, was initially vetted for some spurious reason, which could not withstand the test of his righteous challenge.

Meanwhile, party officials gave different grounds for recalling the maverick MP; one of the reasons was that he alluded to the militarisation of the public service under the new regime and posed a pertinent question, of whether we would live to see a civilian heading the military establishment. For that he had to be crucified, not in the name of defending democracy, but in the name of doing the opposite.

I was the first to sound an alarm at the militarisation menace of government, in 1998, when Lieutenant General Ian Khama was co-opted as Vice President, a few years after another Lieutenant General, Mompati Merafe was specially-elected to Parliament.

Ten years after my expressed anxiety about state militarisation, two more military men have been added to the parliamentary military quota and appointed to senior cabinet positions. Not only that, heads of the CTO, the new DISS and now the Prison Services have been decorated with the epaulettes of the military. Obviously there is no end in sight in this militarisation process.

Why would anybody rap Pono Moatlhodi on the knuckles for expressing alarm at this ominous trend, which contradicts the sumptuous menu we are theoretically been fed upon? Callers' remarks in the Masa-a-sele Programme referred to, Moatlhodi's views synchronised with those of his constituency. He said what he said in Parliament, the right place, where he was sent by the same constituents to be their voice in 2004.

The Hon MP was carrying out the mandate of the people who elected him. Why was he being punished for carrying out his precise duties?

From the overwhelming majority of callers in the course of the programme, it was clear, the decision to recall Moatlhodi from the parliamentary candidacy in 2009 had stirred a hornet's nest.

One lady caller was dramatic: 'In Tonota South, we know only two names, Moatlhodi and Mzwinila!' Her voice sounded emphatic and unwavering. She was loud and clear. Small wonder she was heard and understood by the leadersip who promptly reinstated Hon Moatlhodi.

On the background of his constituents' solid support, Hon Moatlhodi mea culpas were strange, self-demeaning and uncalled for. It is every Parliamentarian's right to speak his or her mind in parliament as long as he/she does not use un-parliamentary language.

It is not a privilege to debate issues in absolute freedom, in Parliament, it is an inalienable right to do so. Many who saw him weep so profusely or heard him sob, uncontrollably, must have felt a pang of sympathy and one of disgust.

Sympathy, because he was been abused by the pseudo-democrats of his party. Disgust, because, instead of standing erect as a defender of the faith in the democratic process he asserted, by his speech, by his queer emotions, he prostrated himself, ignominiously, before the demi-gods of Botswana democracy.

What a contradiction! While his supporters were outspokenly unapologetic, his remorsefulness was an anti-climax.There are lessons to be learnt from the Moatlhodi saga.

The number one lesson, is that the ruling BDP is still struggling to come to terms with the democratic principles to which it hypocritically professes to be the standard bearer. By recalling Hon Moatlhodi, the BDP exposed its true colours, in all their ugliness.

The party must begin to appreciate that MPs are not their master's voices, but independent people's representatives elected to be the voices of their constituents, first!
Number two lesson, is that some BDP MPs are straining and fidgeting to break out of the concrete cell of party imprisonment but find it hard, for to do so is to court disaster by instant loss of source of income. To be BDP MP/Councillor is to survive the rigours of daily life.

Number three, is that some of the BDP indoctrination of its members may be verging on a boomerang as the grassroots begin to scrutinise the modus operandi of its ambivalent leadership style. The development is welcome since democracy thrives when questions are posed and when disgruntled elements threaten to switch allegiance, unless respected. That is why multiparty democracy is king in government process!