Mass action as a precondition to viable democratic change

| Friday March 12, 2010 00:00

In the early 1990's, the opposition in Botswana under the leader of the Botswana National Front (BNF) had mobilised the general populace against the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). The various classes of our society namely the workers, peasants, students and progressive sections of the middle class were galvanised into action against the BDP. There was general discontentment and disillusionment about the government of the day. The dissatisfaction with the BDP government was everywhere and all over. It showed itself through such events like protest and strikes in which the workers demanded 153 percent pay rise. It showed itself through acts of unemployment at BBS Mall when they kidnapped Chinese contractors who promised them jobs but only to hire a few.

The unhappiness with the BDP government showed itself through the anger and uprising of the peasants, workers and students alike after the brutal ritual murder of Segametsi Mogomotsi at Mochudi. In taxis, buses, streets almost everyone and everybody expressed dissatisfaction with the BDP government. There was talk all over that the BDP was a bad government that must be rejected and changed. The people wanted change and were very much unhappy with the government of the day. The opposition therefore had a definite and mobilised constituency of the poor masses, workers and the youth who had been galvanised into political activities and participation. The BNF had been able to successfully articulate and politicise bread and butter issues that affected the masses, such that the people saw the BDP government as their enemy which had to be hated and rejected as it represented the interest of the rich, in particular De Beers Mining Company.

With such popular protest and mass actions against the BDP, the opposition BNF was able to make significant electoral gains in 1994 by winning 13 parliamentary seats. Had this galvanisation of the masses, workers and students into various forms of strikes and protest continued until 1999 elections and also if the internal BNF problems had not degenerated into a split, it is safe to say that the BDP would have lost elections in 1999.

However, since the early 1990s there has not been any acts of mass participation in politics. We have not witnessed any student uprisings or protests of significance, nor has they been any popular protests. They had not been any workers protest of significance either. There generally had not been effective mass protests and strikes that shook the BDP government. I mentioned the mass protests and strikes and galvanising the people into political action because there is general public dissatisfaction with the BDP government under Khama, there is a general sense and feeling of helplessness and hopelessness amongst the public and even the BDP activists alike.

The BDP government under Ian Khama is a mixture of military authoritarianism, feudal overlordism, overrated personality, cultism and a bloated sense of importance and mystique of a leader.

The right wing liberalism that the BDP government is known for only remains in its economic aspect of government. Otherwise in as far as the civil and political aspect of its governance is concerned, it has virtually eroded this aspect of its liberal government. The civil and political liberties of the citizens have been strangled and castrated. There is a general sense of fear of state agents and institutions such as the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS), police and army. The people no longer feel free to talk. They speak in hushed tones and voices and always believe that someone is listening to them. They do not talk over phones freely and also think that their phones are bugged. The people no longer enjoy free movements either.

They are scared of being shot by trigger-happy security agents. The security agents especially the DIS, they are law into themselves. They shoot and kill with impunity and the Director of the DIS is notorious and known to flash out his guns even for small transgressions like road traffic violations by careless drivers.

He is said to be a law unto himself and in fact, he is the de facto vice president of Botswana.

Entertainment has been criminalised. Those that dare differ with Ian Khama criticise him or express a view different from his especially in his party the BDP they are suspended or expelled from the organisation. The BDP is ran like military brigade cum a chieftainship council where absolute royalty to the super ego and person of the president is required.

The people are scared of making comments about the person of the President. If you say the president looks like a mosarwa it is an offence for which one may be imprisoned, shot or deported if you are a foreigner. National broadcasters like Botswana Television (Btv) and Radio Botswana (RB) are exclusively controlled by the President and he has given them strict instructions to only broadcast BDP events and activities and sideline opposition parties.

The economy of the country is enjoyed by the President, his brothers and close relatives and friends to a point that he protects the corruption of his brothers and his close relatives.

There are no reforms in the electoral process nor has the national constitution been reviewed and improved. The BDP government remains in business partnership with a corrupt company like De Beers and in fact at least according to the local papers in particular Sunday Standard all the BDP presidents were installed by De Beers to safeguard its diamond mining interests and it is this diamond revenue and public taxes which Ian Khama and his relatives are busy enriching themselves with.

Against all this abuses of power there is the debilitating and dehumanising state of poverty among Batswana.Batswana are very poor and do suffer very badly. Unemployment is high school and dropouts are many. The youth cannot find jobs.

Housing is a problem and people sleep on empty stomachs. They do not have decent clothing to wear. There is a general sense of hopelessness and fear that is instilled on the public by security agents.

In a graphic sense this is the state of Botswana under the BDP government. It is a nation in a state of helplessness and a sense that we have to play along within the military dictatorship of Khama.

However, political histories of many nations teach us that to effect regime changes more especially in repressive government, we must mobilise the masses into action. It can never be simply enough to think that taking part in the elections alone would bring about victory for the opposition.

There can never be regime change through elections alone. The elections must be preceded by the popular political activity of the masses.

By the time the people take part in elections they must have been extremely politicised and galvanised into action such that the electoral process becomes a mere formality through which government is changed.

The mood, the amusement and the general atmosphere before an election should be such that the elections have been won even before the actual voting or election. This is the type of political atmosphere or environment that we need to create in order to remove the BDP from power.

To think and believe that parliamentary debates propaganda alone without the political self-activity of the masses and workers can wrestle power from the BDP, we are mistaken. In any case politics is an activity of the streets.

Political battles, wars and elections are won on the streets not in voting booths or Parliament.

So my point is we need to engage in mass protests and demonstrations to unseat the BDP. We need a regime change.

It is treason that we should have one party rule us for nearly half a century. So to unseat this oppressive BDP we must add to our politics mass actions.

Apartheid was destroyed by the popular mass activity of the people in South Africa, so is the case with other colonial governments.

Gabriel KanjabangaGaborone