Practical realities and options for Barataphati

JOHN MAKGALA AND BANYATSI MMEKWA | Friday January 29, 2010 00:00

Perhaps it is now time to be charting the way forward for the faction that was cruelly maneuvered into a tight corner after it registered a hard-won victory at the controversial Kanye congress in July. We start this piece by looking at how young members of the BDP advancing progressive thoughts have been (mis)handled in a bid to silence them during the presidency of the party's four leaders: Sir Seretse Khama, Sir Ketumile Masire, Festus Mogae and now Ian Khama. Thereafter, we provide three options and their viability for the Barataphati to ponder in order to salvage their political careers. The first option being to remain in the party and hope that things change for the better. The second option is to quit the BDP as individuals and join existing opposition parties. The final option is for the Barataphati to turn their backs on the BDP as a block, form their own party and enter into an alliance with one of the established opposition parties.  

Throughout history of the BDP positions of money and influence in the party and government have always been held by a tiny clique whose members are carefully selected and tightly controlled. Progressive ideas by youthful members of the party meant to modernize it and widen its internal democratic space have always been dismissed by the leadership. The plight of the Barataphati Young Turks can be understood in the context of this BDP's strong tradition which is traceable to the 1970s.

Former BDP member of parliament and cabinet minister, David Magang writes in his memoirs The Magic of Perseverance that in 1975 as a youthful member of the party he 'approached  President [Sir Seretse] Khama and tabled the proposal that a BDP youth wing be established. As with most novel ideas, my proposal was rejected. The party veterans, more so MPs, were not in the least bit keen on the idea of a youth wing. They did not advance concrete reasons for their stance, but these were discernable from their mutterings and body language. It was clear that they were suspicious of their own shadows; they feared that a junior movement, packed with fresh-blooded party cadres who were armed with a good education would seriously curtail their hold and influence on the party.... As the idea's progenitor, I became famously unpopular with the old guard and was marked out as a rabble-rouser for my otherwise progressive thoughts' (Magang, 2008).  

An example during Masire's leadership of the BDP is that of Kabo Morwaeng, a member of the party's youth wing in 1993. In that year members of the party's youth wing backed Morwaeng to express their opinion that the president of the party and the republic should serve for a limited period of two terms. The response from the party's old guard was swift and harsh. Morwaeng was summoned to a disciplinary hearing and tongue lashed.

Members of the youth wing who had sponsored Morwaneng's idea ditched him and he faced the music alone. In addition to that Morwaeng was disqualified from running for a parliamentary seat in a bye-election in Kweneng District. Although he had triumphed in the primary elections the party decided that Gladys Kokorwe, who had come distant third, represent the party under the pretext of women empowerment. So heartbroken was Morwaeng that soon he quit the BDP and joined the opposition Botswana National Front (BNF).    

Early in Mogae's presidency Lesang Magang, as chairman of the youth wing openly condemned the granting of the then vice president Ian Khama unprecedented one year 'sabbatical' leave by Mogae. He also called for Khama's resignation. Just like Morwaeng members of the youth wing who had egged Lesang Magang on from behind the scenes left him in the lurch and pledged their loyalty to Mogae and Khama. Lesang Magang was also reported to have openly declared his ambition to become president of the BDP and Botswana some day. This is totally unacceptable in the BDP. Lesang Magang became a marked man and party veterans fought tooth and nail to ensure that he never gained the youth wing chairmanship again.  

Although Ian Khama has been president of the BDP for less than two years the Barataphathi Young Turks have suffered harsher and more painful punishment under him more than any of his predecessors combined. Firstly, as indicated above the Barataphati's hard-won victory at the Kanye congress in July 2009 was soon snatched away from them. Khama also appointed his loyalists to numerous party committees without consulting the Barataphathi faction, and effectively neutralised them. The newly elected party's youthful secretary general Gomolemo Motswaledi after losing a historical court case against Khama was suspended from his party position. Previously, he had been barred from contesting national elections in the Gaborone Central Constituency where he represented the BDP. Initially, he had been forced to forget about contesting elections in a safe constituency in his hometown, Serowe.

Another Young Turk, Botsalo Ntuane had also been punished by not being allowed to contest in his home constituency of Nata/Gweta and was forced to contest in a difficult Gaborone constituency. However, Ntuane did win in Gaborone after putting up a spirited campaign against both opposition parties and his BDP. Ill-advised decisions by the leadership of the opposition BNF was also a decisive factor here. Interestingly, during Motswaledi's persecution his fellow Young Turks publicly and vocally stood by him, while faction elders ditched him and declared their loyalty to the party president. This persecution is believed to have been based on trumped up charges.

The Barataphathi Young Turks still live in real fear and danger of being suspended or expelled from their beloved party. They are always looking over their shoulders and anything can happen any time. During the build-up to the Kanye congress the Barathaphathi had courageously and convincingly presented themselves as constitutionalists and defenders of democratic principles. For this they have been treated like terrorists within the party and dealt with accordingly. On the other hand their rival faction, the A-Team came across as consisting of people committed to sycophantic loyalty and whose primary interest was political survival on the cream of Khama's patronage. For this the A-Team are treated like BDP aristocrats by the party leader.

As things currently stand in the BDP the Barataphati could stay put in the party for sentimental reasons and hope that a miracle changes things. As far as we are concerned, this option is the least viable. Recent developments and the Barataphati tragedy show that it is impossible and risky to try and reform the party from within. Tradition in the party dictates against such a move. Remaining in the party also has the added disadvantage of some members of the faction lured with promises of the much craved cabinet positions in order to betray their faction colleagues only to be dumped after being used.  A very good example was during the election of four specially elected members of parliament when some Barataphati members were duped into endorsing candidates from the A-Team faction against candidates from the Barataphati faction.

Promises of cabinet positions were used as a carrot that never was. It is also said that one member of the Barathaphati was given a ride on the presidential jet and that was enough to make him part ways with the faction in the critical and strategic election for the secretary general of the party following Motswaledi's five year suspension. Divide and rule tactics are used to weaken the Barataphati by playing some of the faction members off against their comrades. Moreover, the A-Team will continue fighting tooth and nail to ensure the continued marginalisation and frustration of the Barataphati. Therefore, remaining in the party is a sure way for continued anxiety and misery for the Barataphati. 

The only way that they can reform the BDP from inside is by campaigning for the president to be elected through the ballot box. This way the Barataphati may be able to push their candidate into the presidency of the party. However, such a move is likely to backfire because the A-Team and 'non-aligned' BDP members would argue that it is aimed at usurping the presidency from Ian Khama, Sir Seretse Khama's son. It should be remembered that Seretse's legacy is the heart and soul of the BDP and it is being kept alive through Ian Khama's presidency of the party and the republic. 

The Barataphati should also be informed that since the 1990s the BDP has been winning elections primarily because of the disorganisation and disorientation of the BNF. Even Masire in his book Very Brave or Very Foolish does not attribute the BDP's victory in 1999 to Ian Khama, but to the split in the BNF that led to formation of the Botswana Congress Party (BCP) in 1998. In the 2009 elections the BDP increased its popular vote by a paltry 1 per cent despite its massive use and misuse of state resources, an array of