[Top Secret] Operation �Tholwana-Borethe�

Correspondent | Friday July 21, 2017 15:54

 

Project Objectives:

- To neutralise Ndaba Gaolathe as the ‘centre-of-power’ in both BMD and UDC

- To neutralise Ndaba Gaolathe’s political credentials

- To fragment BMD into warring factions

- To neutralize the UDC, which is an existential threat to prevailing political order and the DISS

 

Context and Rationale

The results of the 2014 General Election came as a surprise to many, including our Analysis Desk. The performance of the UDC that saw it win 17 parliamentary seats, sent shockwaves throughout Botswana’s political landscape, inversely presenting a credible political threat to the political order under which the BDPhas been dominant. Looking at this political threat retrospectively, BDP is likely to be deposed from power come 2019 General Elections. This will have serious political implications that threaten our peace and stability. The UDC is also a serious existential threat to the DISS. There is a likelihood that the UDC government will dismantle the service and possibly pursue prosecution against officers. This threat cannot be taken for granted and needs to be given due attention.

 

Makeup of the Alliance BPP

The Botswana People’s Party (BPP), the first political party in Botswana was founded in 1960 by Kgalemang Motsete, one of the country’s first graduates. Motsete agitated for national independence from the United Kingdom. BPP’s second president, Phillip Matante argued for delinking Botswana from colonial political-economy. The BPP policies have over the years focused on tribal equity and equal opportunity to national resources. BPP enjoys relative support in the north-east part (Bokalaka) of Botswana, mainly due to tribal sentiments.

 

BNF

The BNF was formed in 1965 (immediately after the first elections, but before independence) by Dr Kenneth Koma. Dr Koma wanted to unite Botswana’s political parties to displace the BDP. This ambition is encapsulated the party slogan “Kopano.” BNF was orignally a left-leaning party. Its main policy blue-print is equitable access to Botswana economy, nationalisation of strategic sectors like mining and social justice. The BNF enjoys support from the southern part of Botswana and urban and peri-urban centres.

The UDC is an umbrella founded in 2012. It consists of the BNF, BMD and the BPP. The BCP has not yet formally joined the alliance, but has signed a MoU on by-election cooperation. The UDC seeks to unite Botswana’s opposition political parties to form an alternative government. The UDC locates its political theorem and philosophy on Social Democracy and Pragmatism. The party is led by Duma Boko. Professionally, Boko has carried out many consultancies both in Botswana and in Southern Africa and has participated as a resource person in many human rights workshops in Southern Africa. He is also into criminal defence work, especially in commercial fraud cases. Boko has been voted by the International Parliamentary Union to represent Africa on human rights issues.

 

BMD

The BMD was formed in 2010 by mainly former members of the BDP. Its philosophy is mainly influenced by principles of equality and social justice. It purports to safeguard freedoms and rights of citizens based on a pragmatist policy centred on efficient and decentralised governance. The BMD is affiliated to Africa Liberal Network (ALN). The BMD is led by Ndaba Gaolathewho is also the Secretary General of the UDC. Gaolathe has wide experience in economics, strategy, governance, finance, modelling and general leadership. He has worked for an economic think tank, governments, investment bank regionally and internationally at all levels.

 

BCP

The BCP was formed in 1998 as a splinter of the BNF. The BCP subscribes to the philosophy pf social democracy. It is affiliated with the Social Democratic Party.

 

Thematic narratives of the UDC

- Accuses President Ian Khama of autocratic rule

- Exploits discontent amongst civil servants and trade

union activists

- Speaks against youth unemployment and corruption

- Speaks against public sector wage cuts

- Appeals to urban and peri-urban working class

 

Profiles of UDC Leaders

1. Duma Gideon Boko

Profession

- Legal practitioner at Duma Boko and Co.

- Consultancy work on human rights issues.

- Labour law.

- Corporate law.

- Intellectual property law.

Professionally, Boko has carried out many consultancies both in Botswana and in Southern Africa and has participated as a resource person in many human rights workshops in Southern Africa. He also does criminal defence work, especially in commercial fraud cases. Boko has been voted by the IPU to represent Africa on human rights issues.

 

Work experience

- Lecturer- University of Botswana (UB) 1993 – September 2003

- Taught law in the Law Department while engaged in the practice of law under the name and style of Duma Boko Attorneys and later in partnership as the Lead and Managing Partner of a law practice styled Boko Motlhala Rabashwa Ketshabile.

- Former Chairperson of the Board of Directors of United States-funded, Botswana Network on Ethics, Law and HIV-AIDS (BONELA).

 

Education

LLB- UB. LLM- Harvard Law School (Constitutional Law, Products Liability, Delict).

 

Bio-Sketch

Boko was born and raised at Xhosa One Ward in Mahalapye. He did all his schooling in Mahalapye. With his only sibling, Emma Boko, they were singly raised by their father who worked as a lecturer at Madiba Brigades in Mahalapye. The parents divorced in the children’s early childhood. Boko Sr passed on in 2004.

His father was known to be scholarly with great interest in Marxist literature and psychology. At high school, Madiba Secondary School, Boko was a highly-rated member of the school’s Debate Club. In 1985 as a Form Four student, he organised a student discussion titled Revolutionary Roundtable Discussion, which focused on the writings of Leon Trotsky. He was later suspended by the school authorities for using the word ‘revolutionary.’ His high school political adventures included embarking on a train trip from Mahalapye to Gaborone to collect books from the Russian Embassy – then the Union of Soviet, Socialist Republics (USSR). Boko’s political life was later to be influenced and mentored by BNF’s Dr Kenneth Koma who also originated from Mahalapye. In 1987, Boko relocated to Gaborone for his law studies at the UB where he was later elected into the UB Student Representative Council (SRC). After graduating in 1993 with LLB, Boko went for further studies at Harvard Law School whereupon his return, was offered a post to teach Law at UB, while simultaneously operating a law firm. Between 2005 and 2006 Boko formed part of the legal team challenging Botswana government’s decision to relocate Basarwa from Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR). In July 2010, at Mochudi Congress, Boko was elected BNF president amid grave internal party strife. He inherited a BNF that was in accelerated decline and as such, joining the UDC in 2012 was a strategic imperative rather than choice. Boko was elected to lead the coalition. Boko is married to Kaone Boko and have been blessed with a son, Moono.

 

Boko on Economy

Boko feels that, in order for Botswana to diversify its economy, it should begin with larger infrastructure development. “The UDC has a very ambitious infrastructure plan to develop the transport sector in the short and medium term, especially the railroads, road network and the Botswana airports. This should generate more jobs and enable more foreign direct investment to participate in PPPs or outright funding.”

Boko on Energy

“When it comes to energy, Botswana needs to focus on renewable energy like solar power. In order to develop the agriculture and livestock sector, Botswana needs to advance farming innovation and create competition when it comes to exporting beef.”

 

2. Ndaba Gaolathe

Gaolathe is the current president of the BMD, and as Secretary General (SG) of theUDC. The BMD was formed in 2010 by mainly former members of  BDP. Its philosophy is mainly influenced by principles of equality and social justice. It purports to safeguard freedoms and rights of citizens based on pragmatist policy centred on efficient and decentralised governance. The BMD is affiliated to Africa Liberal Network (ALN) which is a subset of Liberal International. The UDC is the official opposition in Botswana and with 17 seats in parliament. Ndaba is the founding policy head of the BMD where he led the process for the first and current policy framework of the party, and was also UDC’s head of policy before he was selected to the position of SG. As an economist, his involvement in politics was through speech-writing assignments for Botswana’s former President, Festus Mogae, who he also occasionally advised on economics and other matters of national interest. Gaolathe has wide experience in economics, strategy, governance, finance, modelling and general leadership. He has worked for economic think tanks, governments, investment banks regionally and internationally at all levels. Gaolathe enjoys a lot of social capital and respect across political spectrum and social segments. He is considered to be the ‘computer-box’ behind 2014 political success of UDC. Therefore, he carries a strategic value and socio-political capital that cannot be ignored in understanding and influencing political landscape in Botswana.

 

Political & Economic Profile

Gaolathe was born on September 5 1972, the last born of four siblings - two boys and two girls. He is the son of the former Minister of Finance and Development Planning, the late Baledzi Gaolathe and Isabella Nomazizi Zelphah Gaolathe. He spent his childhood in Gaborone, his formative years being the time when the family was in the capital city. He started his primary school at Lesedi Primary in 1979. In 1985, the young Gaolathe with straight As under his belt, left Lesedi to enter Form 1 at Gaborone Secondary School (GSS). Gaolathe’s time at GSS was shortened at Form 4 when school advised he be transferred to a school where he could finish his ‘O’ Levels earlier. Gaolathe  entered Maruapula in 1987 at Form 3. He was in the school’s accelerated stream and completed his Form 5 in 1989. Gaolathe served his Tirelo Sechaba in Tsau in Ngamiland. He is a graduate of George Washington University with two degrees, BA in Economics and a BSc in Mathematics. He also graduatedwuth an MBA in Finance from the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania.

Ndaba joined the Botswana Institute of Development Policy Analysis (BIDPA) in 1999 as a strategist. He quit BIDPA in 2000 to form his own company, Delele, with a view to offering business and advisory services. But business was not forthcoming and the company evolved towards strategic services for companies such as market studies and advice for companies seeking to move into those markets. In 2002, Delele made a proposal for Botswana Insurance Fund Management to pioneer the same idea Gaolathe had of forming a venture fund with the giant pension managers. Photon was a joint venture between Delele (Pty) Ltd. and Bifm, the largest fund-manager in the Botswana market with more than US$1 billion under its management. They established Botswana’s pioneering private equity initiative, Cassiopeia Private Equity Fund, capitalised at more than P120 million (approximately US$25 million). Delele crossed into South Africa. “We ended up doing large projects there,” he explains, face turning serious. The company was engaged to review the strategy of the Financial Services Business Unit of Ithala Corporation in Kwa-Zulu Natal, provided project management for Mangaung Municipality’s brand strategy, raised and structured funding for various companies from real estate, hotel and tourism ventures to IT, and did consultancy work for the Japanese Embassy encompassing an extensive study of the automotive and IT sectors.

 

Economic Ideas and Inclinations

Gaolathe believes in a state-capitalist model. His draft of the BMD’s economic and industrial policy shows a direction towards bigger government whose resources are channelled through government-owned corporate entities. Gaolathe believes that in an economy like Botswana, small but relatively endowed with national resources, the state needs to offer an overriding influence over economic activity. He also believes government should run a state holding company that will guide the state’s investment in strategic sectors of the economy.

This is a departure from the economic school of the BDP, which has been under the economic guidance of such neo-liberal ideologues as Festus Mogae for decades. In Gaolathe’s economic plan, the government adopts a corporate outlook by borrowing from the private sector’s profit motive in some of its enterprises, utilising corporate sector methods within the civil service and running its own companies, in some cases in partnership with the private sector. Gaolathe thinks resources should be invested in sectors that can bring more value. Central to Gaolathe’s model is the role of think tanks to offer expertise to government’s forays into the private sector. He believes government’s resources remain locked and provide no further value while they could be invested in a myriad of activities, guided by the expertise of think tanks.

 

Ethnography & Social Capital

- Ndaba’s Father

Baledzi Gaolathe was born in Nkange, about 100kms west of Francistown, on March 4, 1942. He was born to Gaolathe Dadanaye and Gasemotho Phati Ndaba. He started his primary school education in 1952 in Changate. In 1955, he had to leave for Maitengwe, moving to Maun in 1957 and finally to Francistown, where he acquired his Standard Six School Leaving Certificate in 1958. In 1959 Baledzi, enrolled at Moeng College for his secondary school education where he completed the Cambridge Overseas School Leaving Certificate in 1963. In the pre-independence era, just a couple of years before Botswana gained freedom from Britain, Baledzi left for the University of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland (UBLS) where he obtained a BSc degree, with a Concurrent Certificate in Education in 1967. Returning from Lesotho in 1967, Gaolathe was among the first educated Batswana. Gaolathe later worked as Director for De Beers Mining Company and also served as Minister of Trade and Industry and Minister of Finance and Development Planning. Gaolathe passed away on May 25, 2010 in Johannesburg, aged 68.

 

Ndaba’s Mother: South African Roots

Isabella Nomazizi Zelpha Gaolathe, who is the daughter of Stuart and Grace Ndarana, was born in East London, Eastern Cape, South Africa. She was the second youngest daughter, in a family of only three girls (Isabella, Tuzi and Nomvuyo) among a battalion of seven boys, Vuyelwa, Fakade, Dweba, Sjadu, Jama and Adolphus. Nomazizi attended Davis Primary School at Butterworth in the Eastern Cape. She proceeded to high school at Welsh in East London. Nomazizi also enrolled at Hilltown College where she trained to be a teacher. It was here that she secured a PH 2 certificate, a high accomplishment at the time. Yet she was not able to find a permanent job as a teacher, but subsisted on piece-jobs including a part-time job at Fumazele Butchery in East London. She was groomed in the old-syllabi of Shakespeare and the bible, reciting poems and literature paragraphs.

On school breaks, she worked for a chocolate factory in East-London. She spoke fondly of her high aptitude in “domestic science” where she mastered knitting, cooking and home-management. On the school grounds, she was a netball player, and watched her brothers and cousins play rugby. She also enjoyed boxing, the sport. Growing up in the apartheid era, Isabella was groomed in a culture of resistance; resistance of all that was unjust.

That is how she refused to learn Afrikaans, insisting it was the language of the enemy. She left the Eastern Cape for Lesotho in 1960, to escape the hardships and the injustice of the apartheid system. In Lesotho, she typed for prominent figures in the then Lesotho government, as well as for the African National Congress. Specifically, for a while, she worked as a secretary to the late Joe Mathews, a struggle activist who later became assistant Attorney General while in exile here in Botswana, and later Deputy Minister of Safety and Security in the new South Africa. Lesotho was to be her home for years. It was the place that she also met Baledzi Gaolathe, the science student from Botswana.

The two later married and spent the remainder of their years together, until 2010, when Baledzi passed on. In the late 1960s she moved with her husband to Botswana where she took a momentary assignment for the then new government.

She branched to the private sector, working as a secretary for a string of organisations, among them, the Swedish Embassy, law firms Diamond Bostock and Richard Lyons, and then IGI, the insurance company. In her latter years at IGI, she worked as a human resources manager. It was this role that allowed her to counsel many young and emerging professionals of the time. A dedicated member of the Methodist Church, she devoted her life to the Bomme-ba-Thapelo movement within the church. Teaching barweetsana, the young women of the church, was her joy and passion.

 

Deductions

- Ndaba is likely to continue to be a key player, ‘think-tank’ in UDC and Botswana politics.

- Ndaba is likely to continue enjoying respect and public good-will.

- Ndaba carries significant political capital to tilt balance of political power in 2019.

- Ndana enjoys regional and international social capital as an economist and strategist of repute.

 

3. Dumelang Shaleshando

(President: BCP)

Dumelang Saleshando was born in Kanye, on September 13, 1971 to Gilson Saleshando and Keatlaretse Dolly Saleshando. His father Gilson, is a well-known opposition politician and also the former BCP leader. His mother, Keatlaretse Dolly Saleshando, was an accomplished career nurse. As a result of his parents’ nomadic lifestyle, from an early age, Saleshando was always on the move. As the first born of five children in a family of professionals, Saleshando learnt how to be responsible at a young age. Moving schools between Standards One and Three - from Selebi-Phikwe, Lobatse and then Gaborone, was a first lesson on how to adapt to various environments.

He started his primary school at Rachele Primary School in Kanye. He briefly moved to Lobatse where Botswana Meat Commission (BMC) employed his father. In the early 1980s Dumelang found himself in the copper mining town of Selebi-Phikwe where his father had found employment at BCL mine. The family eventually settled in Selebi-Phikwe where Saleshando continued his schooling at Kopano English Medium School. Saleshando was admitted at St Joseph’s College for his Form 1. It was here that he started flirting with politics. He founded the debate club at St. Joseph’s College, had a keen interest in Marxist-Leninist schools of thought. At St Joseph’s, Dumelang became member of Botswana Socialist Youth. And at some stage, he also joined MELS because its founder, Themba Joina had a lot more literature on Socialism. At St Joseph’s, Dumelang was also an actor and he performed one of Shakespeare’s Macbeth.

In 1992, Dumelang joined the UB where he pursued Economics and Political Science. His father was by then an active BNF politician who would later became MP for Selebi-Phikwe. The young Saleshando also felt the urge to actively participate in politics. He became one of the BNF-MASS leaders. While at UB, Dumelang lost his mother in a tragic car accident. After UB, Dumelang joined First National Bank Botswana as a trainee manager. He was summarily dismissed after allegedly leaking information that the ruling party received millions of pula from De Beers.

Saleshando was MP for Gaborone Central for 10 years until he lost the seat in 2014. At one stage, he was the Leader of Opposition in Parliament. Dumelang rose to political prominence after winning Gaborone Central seat against Dr Nasha, then of BDP now a member of UDC. Dumelang is married to Dineo Saleshando. They have three children, two boys and a girl.

 

Assessment of the Alliance

The alliance possesses a major political and existential threat both to the BDP and DISS. The 2014 elections showed that unlike in previous elections, the alliance had sufficient financial support for their campaigns. This is a new and a serious political development that needs to be given due attention and neutralised. Our assessment of the profiles of the UDC leaders is that BMD’s Gaolathe is the ‘ace’ of the alliance and enjoys overwhelming public support and respect. Gaolathe has good regional and international reputation. Having previously worked for South African and Namibian governments, Gaolathe has proven to be popular with ANC and SWAPO.

Gaolathe is also popular with the US government and is often invited to meet with US Embassy staff. Therefore, Gaolathe is the backbone of the UDC. Our assessment therefore is that, if the UDC is to be neutralised, the focus must be on Gaolathe. Our assessment is further that, frustrating and ultimately deposing Gaolathe from politics is a plausible strategy to counter the political threat posed by the UDC. Although Gaolathe is strong as an individual, our assessment is that the BMD as a party is very weak and therefore presents a window of opportunity. As such, we propose to exploit these vulnerabilities to undermine his leadership and eventually push him off the helm in order to intensify factions and internal strife in the BMD.

 

Operational Support Communication and Information System (CIS)

The TETRA network roll out for DIS covers installation of 90 base stations across Botswana. The base stations have been manufactured by Motorola - namely 88 base stations are MTS2 and two base stations are MTS4 (datasheets are attached). The total number of transmitters on base stations is 88 x 2 + 2 x 4 = 184.

The analyses of the coverage prediction show that there has to be at least 10 different frequency patterns for two transmitter base stations in order to avoid interference in Gaborone area. BOCRA initially suggested the frequency band around 389/399 MHz, and made reservations on 15 frequencies, starting with 389.5875/399.5875 and finishing with 389.9500/399.9500MHz.

We suggest BOCRA add five more frequencies to the list in the following manner: 399.4625 399.4875 399.5125 399.5375 399.5625 399.5875 399.6125 399.6375 399.6625 399.6875 399.7125 399.7375 399.7625 399.7875 399.8125 399.8375 399.8625 399.8875 399.9125 399.9375 This addition would make the system interference-free and self-sufficient in regards to frequency assignment.

The CIS architecture will follow the ‘‘Higher to Lower’ ‘principle, where any higher operative in the chain of command will be responsible for providing the CIS at that level and links down to its subordinate level. The Mission System, and primary means of communication, is the MTC 100 TETRA Handheld Computer capable of timely and efficient exchange of classified information (up to secret).

 

Logistics Support

We have continued to develop and refine our logistic support arrangements for the operation in line with the activities conducted by the force and the phase of the operation. This will provide improved logistic facilities and accommodation at these locations.

 

Cooperation with Media

We have a close relationship with editors of friendly media houses. We have met with the leaders of each of these organisations during planning stages. These relationships are proving to be essential, as they help us augment the information we have. The mutual exchange of information on ‘need-to-know’ basis is paramount to increase, from one side, the overall operational awareness and, from the other side, to effectively control and manage information we want released by media.

This cooperation covers a wide range of issues, such as the update on operational information, communication mechanism and the procedures for disembarkation in a place of safety. We are continuing to build on this relationship to work even more effectively together. I have also been in contact with assets in media houses and they have been very supportive in their wider requests for information. I have also deployed a Liaison Officer to the Planning and Liaison Cell. However, this element should be soon reinforced to allow a better and more effective engagement with the party assets. It is even more important to have sufficient and suitable assets to undertake phase 2B activities. From a threat perspective, we will be operating in a higher threat environment within range of the journalists, politicians and researchers.

We must therefore have the right type and number of assets to protect the operation and also provide counter-intelligence. Of particular importance is the provision of intelligence collection assets to provide me with the intelligence I need to properly plan Phase 3 operations.