Today marks beginning of end of de facto one party-state
Dithapelo Keorapetse | Friday February 3, 2017 17:01
The announcement would bring an end to a plethora of conjectures, innuendos and falsehoods about the project. There has been panic, distress and bleakness following some negative media reports about the negotiations.
In the past years before the 2014 general elections, Botswana has been described as a democracy without a reliable opposition, a near contradiction even by liberal democratic measurements. Pundits of African politics and democracy have held opposition political parties responsible for helping sustain one-party dominance in Botswana since first elections in 1965. It was contended that the opposition has been disorganised, weak and fragmented.
Opposition political parties’ contribution towards the country’s democracy is however invaluable; they have presented viable alternative policies, some of which have been noted and implemented by the ruling party. Phillip Matante of the Botswana People’s Party (BPP) is first high profile politician to formally suggest that the country should have a standing army. In 1977 Botswana Defence Force was established. Botswana National Front (BNF) has made numerous suggestions such as the introduction of old age pension, the independent electoral management body and extension of suffrage to 18-year-olds and many other submissions. Contemporary opposition in Parliament continues to make valuable suggestion even though they are for the most part ignored by the ruling party and government.
There are other hurdles which have been contributing factors to a de facto one party-state that is Botswana. These impediments have been covered extensively by scholars of Botswana politics and other observers. The ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has contested all 11 elections since 1965 and won all by a big margin until 2014. In 2014, the ruling party’s popular vote plummeted to below 47% or 37 constituencies whilst the combined opposition got about 53% or 20 seats in Parliament. It is important to note that the opposition combined vote surpassed that of the ruling party in about 12 constituencies.
The dominance of the BDP has substantively negated the well-liked value of the multiparty democratic system by making worthless the liberal notion of politics as a process of political power exchange between parties. Earlier challenge to the BDP was taken up by the BPP in the 1960s and thereafter it was the BNF. Neither of these parties has done well in challenging the ruling party’s dominion. One of the idiosyncrasies of opposition politics has been unending splits mainly caused by intra-party feuds and factionalism and this has resulted in proliferation of political parties which is detrimental in a small population of two million people. The BPP had a slipup start, splitting even before the first elections and failing to appeal to the voters because of their ideology.
It has since faded into near political oblivion with only one council seat in country; its hope of resuscitation, in terms of parliamentary and council representations, hinges on opposition cooperation. The BNF on its own has produced the following fragments since its own creation: the Freedom Party, the United Socialist Party (PUSO); the Social Democratic Party (SDP); the Botswana Workers’ Party (BWP); the Botswana Labour Party (BLP); the Botswana Congress Party (BCP); and the National Democratic Front (NDF). Large number of opposition parties has resulted in opposition’s inability to challenge the BDP as a unified voice and splitting of votes between them, consequently letting the BDP to reign supreme.
In 2004, opposition parties lost more than 10 constituencies to BDP, although their combined vote was larger than that of the BDP in those constituencies. The same thing can be said about 2009 and 2014 elections.
The BDP split in 2010 leading to the formation of Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD). In 2014, the BMD joined forces with the BNF and the wee and highly regional BPP. Together they managed over 30% of the popular vote and 17 seats in Parliament. The secluded BCP got 20% of the popular vote and 3 seats. The exclusion of the BCP in the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) for 2014 elections cost the opposition state power and prevented the BCP from winning numerous constituencies. Both the UDC and the BCP have been singing opposition cooperation as imperative for 2019.
Cooperation attempts have been made before, without avail, for opposition parties to cooperate and perhaps the most successful of these attempts was last general elections’ UDC electoral arrangement. In 2009 Botswana Alliance Movement and the BCP could only manage five seats. Opposition parties have started to show benevolence and sincerity on working together to build trust between them. The UDC and BCP have signed a Memorandum of Agreement for by-elections; they duo are winning big since 2014. These inter-party relations and collaborations have left members imbued with euphoria of possible change in 2019.
Opposition cooperation is needed for consolidation of the country’s democracy in Samuel Huntington’s notion. Batswana are unemployed, underemployed and poor. The education and health systems are in crisis. Elite corruption is endemic whilst wasteful and or imprudent expenditure is out of control. Wheels are falling off; the country’s economy is going down. Civil liberties are in danger. All these problems are attributed to the complacent and bereft of ideas ruling party; it has been in power for half a century and the need to relive it of its duty has gained momentum. It is for these socio-economic problems that opposition party members, trade unions and neutral people are longing for change in 2019.