Is Duma Boko the new BNF messiah?

| Friday April 30, 2010 00:00

As one of my erudite friends correctly pointed out; at stake is a nation clamouring for a strong opposition because as he explained, already precursors of fatigue are gradually but surely beginning to crop up in the BDP's more than four decades of uninterrupted rule. 

We await with unbated breath to see whether the envisaged BNF congress will go as planned. It is important that the congress takes place and a democratic space created for membership to elect a leader of their choice. Admittedly, this piece is an attempt to provide a somewhat needed debate about whether Comrade Duma might be just what BNF needs to redefine its much tainted organisational character almost driven into a quagmire of irrelevance by the current leadership or he is just another side of the same coin. At the height of events leading to the famous 2001 BNF elective Congress in Kanye, one of the ideas that became widely accepted then was that Moupo was a natural successor to Dr Koma, and was even paraded more like a God given gift of the post Koma era by his close friends. I was at my teen age and a University student then, together with comrades Gabriel Kanjabanga (a respected lawyer), Phillip Khwae, (now MP for Kgalagadi North), David Mathangwane (now a teacher) and a lot of others who are now Government employees formed part of the 2001 BNF youth league which made a lot of noise to popularise the coming messiah known for his fine intellect and ability to solely and defiantly take Dr Koma to task on issues he deemed encompassing. On the other hand people's feelings were scandalously hardened not to accept Moupo as the heir to the throne because he was not Dr Koma's favourite. Important information was leaked to the chosen few. At the end people did not understand the crime Moupo had committed and they chose through the power of the ballot to face the challenges ahead, with him as their leader.

Now, we are currently faced with a situation where due to his elegance within the legal fraternity Cde Boko is paraded as a messiah who has what is required to face the heroic Dumelang Saleshando of the BCP and the charismatic Ian Khama of the BDP, and possibly the eloquent Gomolemo Motswaledi of the much fancied United Forces for Democracy.

In accordance with the BNF constitution, everything remaining normal, the BNF is set to hold its elections by July 2010 where the incumbent President Cde Otsweletse is expected to step down and hand over the baton to another person. Faced with this challenge, expectations are high that this scenario will crystallize into a charged atmosphere fair enough to coerce a considerable proportion of membership to go and vote for a leader of their choice. Conceived and armed with principles of social democracy, general membership must put forth man and women of integrity who will put faith in our people and motivate our party to overcome tremendous odds of the past so as to inspire our future. This obligation must place before itself inter alia the desire to unapologetically interrogate and bring to the fore for public scrutiny those who aspire for leadership positions within the front. This is the vexatious challenge that has inspired this article.

As one would ordinarily expect there are incipient dissensions which are beginning to manifest on the side of support for Cde Boko and the other against him. This development is interesting to some of us who see it as nothing but a somewhat reflection of a party that needs a deep period of self reflection. The party needs to realize that the current state of affairs is inevitable; we can no longer ignore the fact that the different classes and interest groups which make the BNF have unique and particular interests and therefore need to engage each other on a continuous basis. Dr Monageng Mogalakwe is quoted on Mmegi of 20 January 1989 as having put the issue on a proper perspective:

'The BNF must be reorganised into an alliance, in a way that will accommodate the articulation and aspirations of each class, interest group or organisation through the identification of a composite minimum of common interests and goals'.

Interestingly, there is hardly anyone who cometh forth to be voted on the basis of advancement of particular groups' interests. In secret meetings, there can be confessions there and there which are concealed in the face of the public. Of course is counterproductive to do that. This notwithstanding, at the centre of Boko's campaign strategy it is his friends and members of the youth league and to a large extent the working class. It is interesting how these forces especially the esteemed members of the current youth league are castigated for choosing to disregard fundamental aspects essential in the selection of a right candidate to replace Comrade Moupo. A lot of arguments raised by these comrades in privacy are very wanting, and have hallmarks of denting Duma's campaign as instead of confronting issues on principle they benchmark their preferred leader's capability based on capitalist morality and cosmetics. Remarkable also, is how the other camp, notably academics and some members of members of the  temporary platform are also accused of denouncing Boko as a newcomer, conservative position monger, bourgeoisie malcontent whose political activism ended during his University days. These comrades are also accused of personalizing the BNF, and erroneously thinking that leading the BNF is their monopoly. Once again it is not yet clear for the ordinary masses with whom the truth lays.

To the admiration of a lot of us and true to their characteristically ideological way of handling issues, some members of the front especially the academics make thrilling analogies.  They correctly contend that ideological identification, commitment, consistency, and loyalty to the movement are fundamental aspects that can serve as a yardstick to objectively gauge whether a member measures up to the colossal task of leading the front. They further aver that if people still admit to short term measures to address the BNF problems at this juncture, it is obvious they are oblivious of the immensity of the distance BNF has travelled. To them Boko is an unknown quantity within the political circles and therefore view the concept of bringing him to the fold to the mantle of leadership as polemical and controversial, therefore undesirable.

Whatever way one looks at it, the picture painted by the two camps ostensibly calls for further introspection into the issues that inform the polemics of the BNF organisational strategy. The created picture is also very hard to identify with because of the nature in which the membership has been dubiously extricated from its invent.  It therefore becomes natural to reaffirm the intrinsic importance of participatory democracy in the BNF as is clear the party is once again threatened by the problems which are profoundly elitist and anti-democratic in character.  Revolutionary tasks BNF must confront as a matter of urgency are to recognise the various factors that have militated against the achievement of the unity and cohesion within its rank in the recent past. The new cadre of leadership must be versatile enough to deal with an immensely challenging and unprecedented leadership problem occasioned by lawlessness, chaos, ungovernability, flouting of procedures, promotion of unethical behaviour, un-accountability, as well as finger-pointing. That the strategic and historic task facing the tried-and-tested members of BNF is to determine what needs to be done, next, to advance the goals of the national democratic revolution, focused on advancing the interests of the thousands of the working masses cannot be overemphasized.

I put forward to those who oppose his candidature that those who support Boko are correct in one reason; political expediency.  This is of course not the only reason, as the debate intensifies more raison d'tre will shower in. We are told that much against the wishes of self confessed progressives Dr Koma supported the traditionalist Kgosi Bathoen II to take over the leadership of the BNF purely on the basis of the notion of 'political expediency'. Peter Fawcus and Alan Tilbury in their book: Botswana, The Road To Independence, have it in good authority that - the main Batswana traditionalist, on the far right of the political spectrum thus joined forces with a party on the far left with whom he shared two things; (a) opposition to the Democratic Party led by Seretse Khama and (b) preference for a quasi-federal regime which had been rejected at the Lobatse Constitutional Conference by all groups, including the chiefs. Although it may sound paradoxical, it is common knowledge that the Ngwaketse rural consitutiences radicalized parliamentary opposition in Botswana by systematically ensuring that BNF had representatives in the National Assembly as a consequence. Is this not a lesson good enough to those opposing Boko's candidature? Given their true character, it would not. It is a given fact that they would vehemently contest against this view as very simplistic and reactionary in nature, only liable to lend the party into further embarrassment almost similar to the situation BDP finds itself entangled in. 

From the outset, Boko belongs to a unique fraternity of extraordinary lawyers, a courageous man who choose to confront oppression and injustice when it is safer to turn and look the other way. Who will forget the famous case of Roy Sesana vs Botswana government and the recent case of John kalafatis? I am forever indebted to him for his enormous courage, support, commitment and pride in these endeavours, which undoubtedly added an important element of inspiration especially to the outgunned people of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve during these difficult times. What is pertinent though is whether these episodes were embodied in political activism or a chronicle of a person totally absorbed in his profession. Only time will tell. Ever since local newspapers broke the news on Boko, ululations on him have been showering in and perhaps this may signal the end of the road to the other group. There are visible indications that people have nothing but highest admiration for Cde Boko, that he is a courageous fighter for human rights and minority's rights, charismatic and elegant, the ideals he has championed at enormous personal cost. Isn't this the political expediency that the BNF is desperately in need of? Only time will tell!

There is no truer saying than 'experience is the best teacher'. As a word of advice, whoever aspires to assume the top post within the front must critically acquaint himself with the developments and realities sometimes harsh and unfair that the innocent, down-to-earth, humble and theoretically grounded Cde Moupo dubbed 'messiah' had to endure from 2001 up to his last days in power (July 2010). Boko, the new messiah must himself learn quickly new survival tactics of never to rely heavily on personal friends. He will have to learn to do dirty work for himself, be ready to make visits to the very remote corners of our beloved country and be prepared to face the harsh conditions such as lack of safe and clean water for drinking, decent shelter etc., that these innocent souls have had the difficulty to cope with for their entire life. He also has to prepare appropriate interventions for the many questions regarding his political activism that many of his supporters are trying very hard to provide. I remain one of those.Lastly, Anne Marie du Preez Bezdrob relates in her book 'Winnie Mandela A life', how after the iconic Winnie Mandela finished giving testimony to the many trials she stood accused of, Archbishop Desmond Tutu the chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) launched in February 1996 to offer a quasi-judicial forum where victims of apartheid could expose their sufferings, made an impassioned plea to her. Winnie had been a stalwart and iconic member of the struggle, who had overcome every effort to break her spirit. She was loved and admired by many, but said an emotional Desmond Tutu, something had gone wrong, and he begged her to admit this and apologize for her part in the consequences of the atrocities she was accused of having committed. For endless moments, the packed auditorium was as silent as a chapel. Then Winnie switched on her microphone and spoke into the expectant hush and said: 'I am saying it is true, things went horribly wrong. I fully agree with that. And for that part of those painful years, when things went horribly wrong - and we were aware of the fact there were factors that led to that - of that, I am deeply sorry'.

In the wake of the episodes that have happened to the BNF, specifically over the last two decades of its existence, it is imperative that members of the front, especially those who have had to lead, including the self confessed Marxists to come before nobody else except God and admit that in their quest to pose themselves as proponents of a new world order based on a socialist orientation, things went horribly wrong and unequivocally ask for forgiveness for the many pains they have inflicted into millions of people's lives - every election has had to culminate into a new party being formed. Only then will the envisaged struggle continue with renewed vigour!! And we will not fight for a political space with any party in Botswana at present.

Comrade Salakae GANTSI