May Day: celebrating history, lamenting the present

| Friday April 30, 2010 00:00

FRANCISTOWN: Labour Day, also known as Workers' Day or May Day, commemorated throughout the world on the first day of the month of May, is a celebration of the achievements, over the years, of the workers in the struggle for the improvement of their conditions of work. 

Labour Day is also a moment, both to reflect on the current challenges facing the workers and plan for the future, fully cognisant of the lessons learnt.

The struggle for better working conditions by the workers is as old as the Industrial Revolution,  which started in Britain and spread to the rest of the world.

The revolution led to the establishment of towns and the birth of factories and workshops. Those who owned the means of production became the employers and those who did not became the workers.

It became the employers alone who decided on the wages. To maximise profit, the wage bill was kept as low as possible.  Child labour was very common. Women were also employed, because they were more amenable to exploitation and ill treatment than men. Workplace injuries were very common. There was no compensation for the injured. Individual workers tried to make representations to their employers to no avail, mainly because the workers were semi-literate and they lacked negotiating skills. Besides, they were routinely threatened with expulsion when they sought better work contracts.

They could easily be replaced because the rural-urban drift had ensured that there was a constant surplus reservoir of cheap and docile labour in the towns. With time, the workers inevitably learnt that, 'In unity is strength'.  They soon came together under what were variously called associations, societies, combinations or unions with the objective of increasing the bargaining power of the worker to reduce exploitation.

These unions were fragmented as almost each sector of the economy had its own separate union. The formation of national unions was difficult at the time because of poor but expensive communication networks.

Because of pressure from the unions on behalf of the workers, and after failing to suppress the workers, the employers were soon making representations to parliament to legislate against unions. As a result, in 1799, the British parliament passed the Combination Act which outlawed unionisation and union activities. Many union activists were prosecuted, employee wages were cut at will while the employer whimsically increased the number of working hours. The British government and the propertied class in Britain feared that this clash between labour and capital could be a harbinger to a British revolution after the French Revolution of 1789.

Even William Wilberforce, the erstwhile anti-slavery campaigner, ominously described unions as 'a great disease in a society,'. All this negativity notwithstanding, by 1800, the unions had grown in leaps and bounds. The unions lobbied Members of Parliament as well as the church for support in their endeavour to be registered so as to protect the workers. A law in 1825 legalised trade unions, though with limited bargaining powers.

 Although this in itself was no doubt a breakthrough in the fight for the rights of the workers, both the employers and governments remained uncomfortable with trade unions and did everything possible to curtail their capacity to mobilise the workers into a formidable force with bigger bargaining powers. Leftist politicians began to call for the formation of both national and international trade unions arguing that the fate of the workers is the same throughout the world. In his address to the International Working Men's Association in 1864, Karl Marx expressed dismay at the fact that although the industrial revolution had generated so much wealth in Europe, there were still many people living in poverty.  Marx was appalled at the increasing misery of the workers. 

Lamenting the systematic destruction of unions by the employers with either the connivance or active participation of the governments, he called upon all the workers of the world to unite and, using their numerical superiority, to 'conquer political power.' It was within the context of encouraging unity among disparate unions that socialists and communist politicians, considering themselves the true comrades of the workers coined slogans such as, 'Unity is strength,' 'An injury to one is an injury to all, '  'Workers and oppressed peoples and nations of the world, unite,' and,' Workers of all nations, unite. You have got nothing to lose but your chains.'

The colonisation of Africa and the rest of the 'Third World' immediately brought into the fore the issue of workers' rights. Like elsewhere, African governments, afraid of the power of a conscious and unionised workforce, did everything to minimise union influence by instituting a plethora of control measures, both overt and covert.

In Kenya, in the 60s for instance, government did not only fund trade unions, but they were forced to unite under the umbrella body, the Central Organisation of Trade Unions. The governments, intent on turning the union leadership into instruments of the ruling party instead of agencies of workers' rights, also decided which of the different unions could join the mother body.

In the Ghana of the same era, an alliance arrangement was concluded between the ruling Convention Peoples' Party and the Ghana Trade Union Congress with the union being the junior partner. Patronage appointments were also used to try and neutralise unions. In Tanzania, the secretary general of the National Tanganyika Workers was made Minister of Labour. These seemingly benevolent measures caused grievous harm to the concerned unions in the sense that, for example, the right to strike was controlled by the governments.  In too many other cases, especially in Africa, governments resorted to repression when the other measures failed. More clandestine measures by governments such as infiltrating the unions or fuelling internal fights or framing independent minded leaders are widely used by governments.

The vulnerability of union leaders in the so called Third World is more pronounced than that of their counterparts in the 'developed countries' who would more likely have a variety of attractive professional opportunities available to them in the event they are removed from office by a meddlesome governments.

In some cases, governments make the process of obtaining a permit to strike so elaborate so that it becomes impossible to strike legally.

There are cases where the employers, with the support of the government, become heavy-handed in his punishment of a striking worker in order to highlight the union's inability to protect its workers so that they loose confidence in it. Six agricultural labourers belonging to the Friendly Society of Agricultural Labourers  in England were tried and sentenced to 'seven year's transportation under Act of 1797' in 1834.  Both their own union and the Grand National Consolidated Trade Unions, founded by Robert Owen, who supported their course, failed to rescue them from the harsh punishment and hence lost face. The workers, later fondly called the Tolpuddle Martyrs for their courage, had dared oppose the cutting of their wages by the employer. 

In 2004, the Botswana Mine Workers Union also lost face when 461 of its members employed at Debswana lost their jobs due to a strike action. Many commend the 461 'martyrs' for taking part in the strike that would later reveal details of the corrupt relationship between Debswana and the BDP.  The union failed to have the workers re-instated. Very often the employer resorts to the ideology of 'development' where workers are called upon to show patriotism by 'tightening' their belts or 'pulling together'.

While some unions have confined themselves to the traditional agenda of immediate worker welfare, others have included both social and political issues on their agenda.

For instance, in Italy, the union went on strike in 1982 demanding that government draw up a national housing construction plan. Back home, the secretary general of the Botswana Federation of Trade Unions, Gadzani Mohotsha, revealed in a telephone interview that, cognisant of the impact of HIV|AIDS on both the workers' lives as well as the economy, his union has got an elaborate strategic plan on the scourge.

Leftist politicians have always argued that only a political party formed and led by the workers can truly represent the workers. Karl Marx says that it is not realistic to expect a just contract to come out of a negotiation between a government and a trade union because there is no equality of power between the two.  Hence it is the duty of the workers to assume political power.

In his view, the political struggle is the highest form of class struggle of the proletariat. Hence some trade unions have elevated their struggle for the rights of the workers to the political realm.

Although the South African Confederation of Trade Unions [COSATU], has not formed a workers' party, they have taken an active political stance. An ally of the ruling African National Congress since the days of apartheid, COSATU, with its numerical superiority, has not played second fiddle to the ANC. 

While local trade union leaders have not called for the formation of a workers' political party, they have nonetheless appealed to the workers to study the manifestos of the respective political parties and vote for the candidate or party whose programme best approximates the interests of the workers.

Other trade unions in Botswana have called for trade unions to affiliate to existing political parties.

Shandukani Hlabano, secretary general of the Botswana Trade Union of Secondary Schools [BOSETU], disagrees with the position that trade unions should associate with political parties. He does not believe that any party can take the interests of the workers to heart.

The unions, he says, will always be there, hence the existence of unions in Britain even under the Labour Party. His view is that with so much infighting in the local political organisations, associating with any one of them means inheriting the factionalism that is bedevilling them.

The President of the Botswana Teachers Union, Pule Ramabja, says that his union does not believe that there is a party in Botswana credible enough for his union to align with.

He argues that siding with political parties could be suicidal because the individual members of BTU are members of different political parties. Johnson Motshwarakgole, the national organising secretary of the National Amalgamated Local and Central Government and Parastatal Workers' Union, avers that politics is the same as trade unionism. He emphasises that workers should not sit back while insensitive representatives are elected to Parliament or council.

For his part, Mohotsha of BFTU, says that because politics affects the world of work, it is important for workers to take an active interest in politics and exercise their right of choice by voting.

 For a very long time, trade unions in Botswana have considered each other not as comrades in arms but as competitors. Each union wanted to be seen as being more important than the others because they represented a certain segment of the economy.

Inevitably, this disunity rendered them impotent as the unions continued to compete against each other. The formation therefore of the Botswana Federation of Trade Unions was a step in the right direction since it helped consolidate the voice of the workers under one mother body.

According to Mohotsha, BFTU, formed in 1977, has got 30 affiliates, up from the original five. Mohotsha further reveals that his union has achieved a lot in terms of the labour laws in Botswana that have been repealed and democratised in line with International Labour Organisation.

He is happy that government has signed all the eight fundamental ILO conventions entailing workers' rights such as freedom of association, freedom to organise, the banning of child labour as well as forced labour. The fact that the public service, in general, can unionise, in his view, is a milestone, although he is disappointed that the prisons officers are not allowed to unionise, contrary to ILO standards.

For his part, Shandukani Hlabano, of BOSETU says that the fact that teachers are now paid for marking the final examinations is an achievement. His union always opposed the double shift programme and persistently made representations to government to that effect and he is happy that it has been phased out.

BOSETU will continue to confront the remaining challenges such as the discrimination of teachers when 'scarce skills' was introduced in some government departments.

The Botswana Teachers' Union President, Pule Ramabja, is looking forward to the introduction of the Public Service Act on 1st May,  that will make it possible for all civil servants to have one employer. One of the major challenges facing unions, in his view is to change the mindset of the employer so that instead of looking at union leaders as enemies who should be victimised as happened to Japhtha Radibe, union leaders should be considered as partners in the development of the country.

Labour Day coincides with the 40th anniversary of the Botswana Mineworkers Union. The secretary general of BMWU, Jack Tlhagale, says that his union has achieved much over the years in educating Batswana on trade unionism.

Worker friendly labour laws have been made due to the efforts of this union. He further says that his union has been on the frontline in the struggle for localisation. He is worried though that trade dispute resolutions are too expensive and they take too long. Nor is he happy that workers who are not happy with the outcome of  a case at the Industrial Court can only appeal to the High Court.  He says the dismissal of the 461 was unfair and only serves to show the underdevelopment of the labour relations system in the country. The national organising secretary of the National Amalgamated Local and Central Government and Parastatal Workers' Union, Johnson Motshwarakgole, sees  Labour Day as a celebration for all the valuable victories won in the struggle for the emancipation of the workers.

He contends that while foreign investors are welcome, they should be discouraged from taking advantage of Batswana, offering them slave wages. Workers, in his view, should be consulted on matters affecting them instead of being given directives.

Motshwarakgole is worried that the level of enthusiasm for unionism, especially in the private sector is low, compared to the parastatals. Not everybody sees trade unions as the answer to the grievances of the workers.

Some critics see trade unions as a hindrance to the economic emancipation of the worker. They say that trade unions are a reformist effort whose only achievement is to remove the sting of radicalism from the workers by unnecessarily reconciling them to the exploitative employer.

Too often, say the critics, union leaders are used by the employers to reign in on the union members to the detriment of the struggle. Unions are also accused of ignoring the interests of the consumer in their overzealous attempts to protect the worker.