2017-another year of democratic regression

Dithapelo Keorapetse | Friday January 13, 2017 15:27

There is likely to be nothing too dramatic in Parliament; President Ian Khama has moved with consummate guile to consolidate his control of the legislature through the increase of the executive and Special Members of Parliament (MPs), the executive alone can quorate even if nine of its members are absent; there are 18 ministers, 10 assistants and the President and his Deputy and Parliament quorum is 21 MPs.

The executive dominates both the ruling party caucus and the House and will get its way no matter what.

In fact this year it might be worse; bad laws and policies are likely to be passed in preparations for 2019 general elections. No improvements should be expected from the Speakership, they will be biased notwithstanding imminent law suits by the opposition.

The opposition is likely to be more united, structured and agile this year-after the announcement of a cooperation model. They have been working together at councils, on by-elections and in Parliament and the unity is likely to be cemented this year because of the feeling of cohesion or oneness.

It is possible that this year there may be private members Bills tabled by the opposition on a variety of issues. There has been an unfair criticism from members of the public and cynics in the ruling party that opposition MPs are not tabling Bills.

On Bills, none of the opposition MPs is a trained lawyer in drafting of legislation even though there may be one or two lawyers.

Drafting is a special skills and not all lawyers can do it. Moreover, Parliament doesn’t have a special office for MPs to seek assistance on drafting of Bills, the Parliamentary Counsel can assist with the procedure but cannot draft a Bill for an MP. Private lawyers who are able to draft would need to be paid. Civil society is weak and disintegrated and cannot be relied upon in this regard.

Only public sector unions are able to sue and influence or shape case law and public policy on industrial relations.

The opposition therefore depends on their few and not so readily available members who can draft Bills. 

Parliament is still on recess and most MPs are at their constituencies consulting and addressing Kgotla and other meetings. MPs will reconvene on the 6th February for the budget session.

Financial estimates have already been circulated among MPs for perusal in preparation for the budget debates. Almost three months between February and April, the House will be seized with budget related matters.

 It is ironic that Parliament has more time to debate a 12 months plan and less time to debate five year plan, National Development Plan 11-it was debated for a few days.

Nothing is expected to improve in the budget debates, it is going to be the usual talk show whereby MPs debate not to try and influence the outcome but just to be heard on radio by their constituents.

At the end the executive will get their way regardless of how anyone feels. On the budget, Parliament has, is and will, unless there is change government, not provide any effective or meaningful oversight on the executive including scrutinising the budget.

Demands by the opposition and some few in the ruling party backbench that the President should sit, listen to debates and field questions from MPs in the House has fallen on deaf ears. These ‘rogue’ ruling party MPs will be called to order or be ignored whereas the opposition will be dismissed as plying to the gallery.

President Ian Khama has never addressed a single press conference, has never publicly debated in his political life and the ruling party cannot even entertain such arguments as calls for him to debate in Parliament.

Besides, 11th Parliament is also full of erudite, intellectual and well-expressed opposition MPs and the ruling party cannot expose their sovereign to such a coterie.

That the Vice President and the President cannot answer questions in Parliament is a travesty and detracts from transparency and accountability and it is therefore an antithesis of democracy. Parliamentary Committees are dead. The ruling party MPs have up to seven or eight committees per MP, some actually chair two. It is difficult for these committees to meet because of quorum issues.

There is also little incentive for these to meet, the sitting allowance is low and unattractive and some chairpersons do not know what these committees are about.

For staff, there are fewer than five secretaries for 23 these committees in addition to their load of inter-parliamentary committees and other duties. Following the appointments of four MPs to Cabinet, there hasn’t been replacement at committees.

The idea is to kill these committees. Opposition MPs have been pondering on the necessity of these committees in their current state where there is no commitment from the powers that be, they think that the best way may be to withdraw totally from these.

The importance of parliamentary committees is for MPs to travel and see the world and have a little money in their pockets, that’s all and that’s the truth.

The Public Accounts Committee and Statutory Bodies, have made headlines for their third degree questions to accounting officers. However, no one has or is or will be in trouble because of the findings of these committees. Permanent Secretaries and CEOs and ministers who have been fingered by these committees are still on their jobs.

These committees are toothless and becoming useless, they cannot enforce their decisions or follow up meaningfully on their recommendations.  So in 2017, Botswana’s democracy will plunge deeper into regression and nothing in Parliament can be done to remedy the situation.