Views From The House

Khama�s Neopatrimonialism: Increase of special MPs, Ministers

According to the same Gazette, “The proposed increase in the offices of Minister and Assistant Minister of the Government will enable the President to assign responsibility for the business of government by reviewing Ministries whose portfolios are too wide with the view to reducing the mandate, whilst at the same time presenting an opportunity to create new Ministries which will cater for priority areas or emerging areas of responsibility.”

Bill No. 3 of 2016-Constitution (Amendment) Bill, 2016 object is to increase the number of Specially Elected Members of Parliament from four to six. The justification according to the government is that the status quo has been there for 49 years and that the economy of Botswana is growing in size and complexity and that the increase provides both the National Assembly and Cabinet with opportunities to meet the challenges of expertise and skills.

It would be recalled that following the 2011 population census, President Ian Khama was very clear on his unwillingness to increase the number of  Members of Parliament. Part of his reasoning was that the economy couldn’t afford the increase. The reasons for the proposed increase at the time, which some put at at least 10 additional MPs, was that the population has grown and that the proposed number was informed by 57 MPs for the 2001 census. In other words if 2001 population needed 57 constituencies, 2011 population needed 67 and the increase was proposed for areas which have been affected by population increase. Khama and his people refused this proposal vehemently. The reason for the refusal was that if the increase was made in constituencies which had registered large population increase, it would disadvantage the ruling party. For example, areas in the southern part of the country like Gaborone.  It should be noted that around that time, just before the 10th Parliament was dissolved in 2014, there was an unsuccessful attempt to increase the number of SEMPs from four to eight.

If Khama was sincere, he would have agreed to the proposed increase of elected MPs from 57 to 67 because it is democratic for two reasons. One, people would have increased access to their elected representatives because an MP would serve a reduced number of people and second that the 10 would-be MPs would be subjected to a more democratic process of selection, that of suffrage. The point is that the proposed increase of SEMPs is not inspired by any desire to serve democracy. It is in fact undemocratic in so far as it allows more people who haven’t been elected by the people to be in Parliament.

Moreover, there’s a fundamental problem that detracts from the independence and effectiveness of parliament; 40 per cent of MPs are members of the executive. The preponderance of the voice of the people has been diminished by this state of affairs because executive MPs serve the interests of their appointing authority when in Parliament. They can’t ask probing questions, the can’t table themes and motions and and can’t bring Private Members’ Bills. In other words they are circumscribed in doing Parliamentary work. They can debate and vote but it’s inconceivable that they can vote or debate against government. They are government. The proposed changes will not address this problem but this would have been somewhat addressed by the proposed increase of elected MPs from 57 to 67. It is wrong for the BDP to amplify its voice and presence in Parliament when 53 percent of Batswana didn’t prefer it in 2014 polls. Khama has been running the country for the past almost eight years with a leaner Parliament and Cabinet than what he is proposing. Why does he suddenly need more SEMPs and more Ministers? Why is it necessary to increase Parliament through increasing SEMPs and cabinet when Khama is leaving office?

The BDP is fighting fierce internal wars. The second in command is not seen by many of his comrades in the party as the obvious heir to the throne. For the first time in the modern history of the party, there’s likely to be more than one candidate for the Presidency of the party. In fact, the next elective congress’ fights will be more fierce as camps prepare for the control of the party post Khama. These internal fights will affect how the government is run because it is and will be used to address some challenges. Some politicians’ support will be bought with positions and promises of positions. It’s already happening. Some BDP supporters will be appointed to positions and this will affect who they support and campaign for.

The party is moving with consummate guile to dispense patronage to its operatives and loyalists through the increase of SEMPs and Cabinet.  Offices are distributed as patronage characteristic of a neopatrimonial regime. The number of BDP MPs who lost both Bulela Ditswe primaries and 2014 general elections who have been appointed to senior government positions and who have been given government tenders substantiate the contention that this is a neopatrimonial system where party affiliation and loyalty to the sovereign guarantees one a good life.

The increase of SEMPs, Assistant Ministers and Ministers should therefore be understood within the context of state capture and neopatrimonialism. It should be seen within the context of intra-party wars and Presidential succession battles.

The increases have got nothing to do with bread and butter issues or democracy. Certainly Batswana’s contemporary problems are many but have got very little if anything to do with Parliament or cabinet size. The amount of money that is going to be used to fund the increase could be out to very good use.