BDP Reform Agenda Conversation; 22 Discussion Points
Correspondent | Friday May 8, 2015 15:42
Honoured as I am by colleagues to believe I can adequately discharge the functions of SG, I am convinced one has to contest elections on a campaign platform articulating clear issues of what they as a candidate represent. A key plank of my platform is that I am not aligned to any lobby list. This, because I am of the conviction that we must enable duly selected delegates a congress climate that allows delegates the right to exercise their best judgement in terms of who can lead their organisation unencumbered by slates over which they had little or no say in compiling. Block voting can also deny delegates the opportunity to select deserving democrats into leadership simply because they are on the ‘wrong’ list.
I am therefore, if elected, willing and ready to work with any democrat. In putting forward my name for Secretary General I do so principally, as response to the electoral setback we suffered in the general elections of 24 October, 2014. Our party registered its worst ever poll performance. Though not on the same scale, we suffered a similar reversal in fortunes 1994. The outcome of those polls set in motion an internal conversation around a reform agenda which process was completed to great success when the BDP reclaimed its dominance in the elections of 1999.
Initiatives such as presidential term limits; reduction of national voting age from 21 to 18; establishment of the IEC as well as external voting repositioned the party and transformed it into an electoral entity. Contrary to popularly held opinion, it was not the Prof Lawrence Schlemmer Report which introduced the reforms in question. The conversation of reform was internally generated by democrats soon after the 1994 slump and took shape and form at the special congress of Sebele, in November 1995.
It was a broad process covering both national and party issues across the spectrum. An interesting case in point is the 1996 Sefhare youth congress which at which delegates with the guidance of the leadership placed an age ceiling of 35 years for eligibility to the ranks of the national wing. Previously, even elderly persons in their 50’s could be members and leaders of the structure, and as a consequence their children stayed away from the party.
This simple change resulted in an influx of young people into the BDP which further contributed to its revitalisation and made it fashionable with a more youthful generation of first time voters in 1999. By the time of the 1994 elections, a report conducted by the Democracy Research Project(DRP) for the IEC indicated the BDP enjoyed more support in the youth category; a positive dividend of the reform initiative of imposing the age ceiling. As for the famous Professor, he arrived two years later in 1997 with his study and recommendations which only served to breathe fresh oxygen into work already in progress. The world over, when parties are faced with existential threats to their prospects for growth, in the case of opposition, or in the instance of incumbents their grip on power, they engage in conversations around reforms.
To this end, a prominent case study is the British Labour Party which after its ouster from office in 1979 suffered in purgatory for years. Only following an internal conversation in 1995 which culminated in the adoption of free market principles by dropping Clause 1V in its constitution was the party, now rebranded New Labour for a New Britain deemed sufficiently reformed by voters to be entrusted with office in 1997, after 18 years in the cold. Examples of parties that engage in big conversations as a response to pressing political challenges can be found even closer to home. In South Africa, the Democratic Alliance in its various reincarnations has always had a clear vision of its transformational agenda aimed at attracting a new demographic of black voters whose numbers swell each election time. In Namibia, as a result of its reform agenda Swapo did extremely well in the recent elections by introducing a 50/50 gender representation policy as well as ensuring a smooth leadership transition from the old generation to its 2nd generation of leaders ahead of the polls. The BDP still enjoys the benefit of incumbency, which ideally positions us to stimulate the sort of internal conversation that can give us another extended lease of life. Campaign Team, since the election every democrat with whom I have interacted believes the fortunes of the party can be rekindled well in time to yield good returns in 2019. Despite losing ground and experiencing a disturbing decline, I concur with them that victory is still attainable at the forthcoming polls. Hence, my pitch for an internal conversation on a broad range of reforms to rebirth and rejuvenate the party. Only an open, critical and honest conversation can usher changes that will constitute a Reform Agenda for retaining power in the next polls.
Let me now proceed to set out a series of draft issues around which we can initiate that internal conversation, fully aware that only if we get the buy in of democrats within the structures of the party, and achieve consensus on all, or some of the issues, can they be embraced by the incoming Central Committee. Any far reaching reforms that can have a meaningful impact must be initiated upon assumption of office of the new Central Committee in July 2015. From late 2017 onwards the country will be in election mode and reforms after that will be too late. In this reform conversation we must recognise that the country’s political landscape might have experienced a seismic shift on 24 October, 2014.
It therefore behoves us to engage in a vigorous but civil conversation that will re-energise democrats, attract fresh members as well as enthuse and excite prospective voters in order to remain relevant and electable. Besides the bulela ditswe fallout it was the decisive youth, middle class and civil service vote, abetted by unemployed masses that dealt us a heavy blow in the elections. We need to talk to the concerns and aspirations of these all important constituencies.
Campaign Team, please note I have split the issues into 4 distinct areas (party, government/economic development, electoral reforms and others) These for now remain draft notes for your input and feedback as the campaign team. You will notice they are not prescriptive but a jumble sale of ideas to set the tone knowing you guys might have additional thoughts on others that can form the basis of the reform conversation our party ought to have. Only after the issues have been suitably percolated can we share them with a wider circle of democrats who may wish to become part of the extended campaign team for the July congress on the strength of issues we advocate.
Party
We must advocate for a strong activist Central Committee and this means recalibrating our relations with government; the party must reclaim its authority over government. The party must lead government and not be subordinate as is the case presently. The voice of the party must be heard loud and clear on every single issue.
There is need for expansion the Central Committee from 18 members to 30 members through inclusion of all 12 Regional Chairpersons to ensure better oversight and supervision of structures.
Alongside other internal processes currently underway such as the very necessary review of bulela ditswe, and revival of structures, an independent evaluation of the 24 October general elections is necessary in order to determine why so many voters rejected us. The evaluation will cover a broad spectrum of the voting polity and deliver scientific findings that will inform our way to 2019.
As we undertake a review of bulela ditswe, a related exercise would be to conduct a comprehensive audit of our membership database for accurate determination of our manpower strength. For example, can it be correct that we have 700, 000 members when in 2014 general elections we received 302 ,000 votes and not all of them from members of the party? Can we have such a high number when the ANC in its last audit reported 1.2 million activists out of a total population of 50 million? We must strengthen the Policy Forum to vet and report to Central Committee all government Bills ahead of tabling before Parliament. Likewise in the case of public policy, ahead of any unveiling of schemes and programmes of government, the Policy Forum must accordingly advise Central Committee as the final political arbiter, for endorsement.
Political education through regular party work shops and seminars across the country utilising the vast intellectual capital produced by the BDP’s education must be revived. Political education should among others, re-emphasise the party and country’ s founding values such as nationalism and the merits of our development model.
Resources must be mobilised to maintain, in between general elections, a minimal presence of one administrative office in each of the BDP’s 12 Regions plus a vehicle.It is evident that pound for pound the opposition is outboxing us in public communication. We need competent spokespersons who will make our voice heard by articulating policies and defending the organisation.
l The discussion paper will be continued next week
*Botsalo Ntuane is BDP secretary general
candidate