As I see It

What has to be done?

The 1994 elections which focused on the urgent need to democratise our election process by instituting an independent body to administer the process also come to mind as hard fought also.  In 1994 the opposition focused more or less on the single issue of democratising the general elections process. The main opposition BNF demanded an independent body to administer the election process and the enfranchisement of 18-year olds and Batswana who at the time of the elections were absent in foreign lands working, or at school. The issue was so hot that the BNF had four-years prior to the elections taken a resolution to boycott these elections if the government did not concede to the demand of the opposition.

One year after the adoption of the resolution, the BNF rescinded the boycott provided it would be pursued relentlessly afterwards were the government not accede to the demand before the elections. The elections campaign was electric and produced the increase of BNF MPs from three to a whopping 13 MPs. The results prompted the ruling Domkrag fearing farther unpalatable future erosion or loss of political power to the opposition, reviewed the constitution. First they introduced a two- five-year tenure for the president. Previously the country’s constitution did not prescribe the length of the president’s term in office. In addition the constitution was amended to introduce automatic succession whereby the sitting president appointed a vice president who automatically succeeded him/her in the eventuality of whatever happened to the sitting president. The provision is controversial and remains a subject of political discourse. This was a big post-election achievement. A bigger achievement was of course the institution of the Independent Electoral Commission, which ended the cheek of the ruling party being player and referee in its own game, 

Batswana can look back and sample the concrete achievement of the principle of an independent body (IEC) to run the general elections. The IEC has flaws for which it continues to be criticised but it has been an undeniable improvement on things as they used to be in the running of general elections. Automatic succession bit came as a dubious bonsella in the review of the constitution remains controversial, in particular because the first beneficiary of the provision, Lieutenant General Seretse Khama Ian Khama has been such a controversial successor, that even his predecessor former President Festus Mogae, the man who appointed him to the lofty position of becoming president with no sweat, has after six years of silent observation, no complimentary words for his regime particularly his democratic credentials, which he dismisses as regressive, and the man in person as someone with a tendency to disrespect the rule of law. The hotly contested general elections of 1994 left an indelible trail in our democratisation  we can all admit.

The more fiercely fought general elections of 2014 may go down in the history of this country as the most hotly contested event for many years to come. Whereas the daggers this time around were out not only to annihilate the common rival, longer daggers, were out to annihilate potential and natural allies within the opposition. The animosity to bring about regime change became muted and low tone as the campaign raged on. Potential partners were thrown into the cauldron of the elections campaign so-called hit list. The scene became comical and consistently senseless as incoherent arguments for and against, tumbled out protagonist and antagonist mouths and pens. The election competition was absolutely intense with the Fourth Estate joining actively in the fray. The private radio stations came out as impartial umpires by presenting various political party candidates to programmed debates where Batswana could judge for themselves who so to speak was the fairest of them all.

The public debates could have been enhanced by participation of the ruling party especially in the presidential debates by the Gabz Fm Radio at the end of the scheduled debates. Hats off to the various organisations who made the debates possible through sponsorships or otherwise. The generally popular debates hopefully made an indelible impression on the electorate and might also influence the ruling party, to accede to the public party funding demand, to open gates for unfettered political competition, by opening access to remote areas, for the opposition and transforming the state media to the public media as it ought to be.

There was innovation in the memorable campaign. The opposition put aside the perpetual moaning of inadequacy of resources to compete confidently against the ruling party. Whether they stole funds from bank vaults or solicited these from the Al Qaeda, I don’t care a hoot. That would be due to intransigence of the ruling party to accede to party funding and transform state media to public media. By bus, by chopper, opposition leaders reached the masses. Exciting and impressive!

But  what did we achieve in concrete except flitting moments of euphoria of dubious fulfillment? The regime has not change. What of opposition unity which seemed to predominate ambitions in some quarters? Unfortunately the opposition took the eye off the ball. More sober minds ought to have acknowledged opposition unity exists; from 12 opposition parties to two, is no mean achievement. Moreover unity can never and must never be imposed. We are a democracy. Democracy detests coercion of any form . Democrats cannot kick out dictatorship through the front door only to re-admit it through the backdoor!  The pending question, is what has to be done to achieve the elusive regime change?