Has the BDP lost direction?

Staff Writer | Friday February 21, 2014 17:40

The fact that the BDP remained the epitome of cohesion and stability while the opposition was the arena of debilitating disputes, factionalism and splits made it the only credible force.

Those who, for political reasons, would not admit that the BDP was unrivalled in the art of dispute management like to explain the performance of the ruling party in this regard as the natural outcome of incumbency. The party, on the other hand, used this positive record to portray the opposition as being devoid of the necessary managerial wherewithal to run government. The voting public, for which the self-praise was meant, not only witnessed hordes of opposition party members joining BDP ranks but opposition cadres tearing at each other in the media.

In 1962, two years after its birth, the Botswana Peoples’ Party (BPP) ominously split into three. Formed in 1965, the Botswana National Front (BNF) also experienced several costly splits in the 1980s and 1990s, with the major one resulting in the formation of the Botswana Congress Party (BCP) in 1998.

But it would appear that since the BDP split in 2010 that resulted in the founding of the Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD) amid allegations of a deficiency of democracy in the party, peace will elude the BDP for the foreseeable future.

After a lull, especially when some of the founding leaders of the BMD returned to the ruling party, it seemed to be on the right track again and the redoubt of the BDP was once again peddled. However, primary elections for this year’s general elections seem to have once again spoilt the party.

While in the past the BDP was divided along clear factional lines, the current divisions seem harder to handle because they are not along the party’s traditional party factional wars. This time around, it appears that it is the leadership versus the people.

Observers believe that the recent BDP primary elections might turn out to be the biggest threat not only to the party’s electoral chances next October but its very existence. Amid allegations that the primaries had been rigged even before actual voting took place, the nation watched in disbelief as the losers of the controversial process, including life members, MPs and cabinet ministers openly cast aspersions on their own party’s democratic credentials and alleged data manipulation.

Some among these have threatened the party with court action while others will either stand as independents or work with the opposition to defeat the controversial winner of the primaries.

When the primary elections’ controversy was at its highest, a senior member of the central committee who was accused of involvement in the data scam to have certain people lose the elections, resigned ostensibly to save the party. The BDP situation is not helped by the fact that the party’s leadership has not been hands-on with respect to addressing disputes. Further, when disputes were addressed, people were left with more questions than answers amid murmurs of favoritism.

It is also interesting to note that except Kgotla Autlwetse who was warned against talking to the press about his primary election issues with Ramadeluka Seretse of Serowe North, no disciplinary action - or even warning - appears to have been taken against those who have publicly disagreed with the party on the primaries or threatened to sabotage it.

A BDP activist in Francistown, speaking on condition of anonymity, says the party has been infiltrated by self-seekers who will not hesitate to use unorthodox means to win positions in the party, hence the tempering with voters’ rolls at the highest level.

Asked why the party seems helpless to take action against members who criticize the primaries openly, the activist responded: “The leadership is paralyzed by guilt. Some of them were involved in the systematic cheating. Others slept on the job, perhaps with ulterior motives as in the case of Francistown West when Whyte Marobela’s appeal was not listened to until he obtained a court order interdicting the party from contesting the by-election.”

For his part, veteran opposition politician, Michael Dingake, says it is a fact that the primary elections disputes have weakened the BDP ahead of the general elections. “Unfortunately, the opposition may not be able to exploit the situation to its advantage due to shortage of resources,” Dingake says.

“That cannot be ruled out at all,” says Pono Moatlhodi of the BDP who does not accept his loss to Thapelo Olopeng in the Tonota South primary elections recently when asked whether the dispute over the primary elections would not compromise the party’s competitiveness in the general elections. Regarding what could be the source of the problems in his party, Moatlhodi responded with considerable sarcasm: “I do not know,” he said. “We are just watching the events.”

The Secretary General of the BDP, Mpho Balopi, is not amused by those who criticise the party in the media. “We are watching the turn of events with great concern,” Balopi says.

“Anybody who is mindful of what the party constitution says would feel constrained to disparage the party in public. These people know they are violating the code of conduct and action will be taken against them.” 

He does not agree that there was cheating that included data manipulation to give advantage to some people over others in the primaries. “Voters’ rolls were sent out in advance for inspection,” he says. “In some cases, corrections were made which were then incorporated into the final voters’ rolls.”