Denialists and apologists rule SADC Summit

KETO SEGWAI
Staff Writer | Friday January 30, 2009 00:00

In tandem with decorum though, the majority of the heads of state and government who had their day, could be rightly described as denialists and apologists.  In fact, veteran scribe, Rampholo Molefhe once rattled the perfumed and pampered political feathers of former presidents, Festus Mogae and Thabo Mbeki when he appealed to them to stop being President Robert Mugabe's apologists at a press conference at the Btv auditorium a few years ago.

Ironically, Mbeki of the 'quiet diplomacy' fame was to be officially crowned as SADC facilitator on the Zimbabwe crisis. Strangely though, it is only recently that SADC acknowledged the Zimbabwean crisis for what it is. 

All along, it chose to refer to it as a 'situation' or a 'challenge'.  At least this week's extraordinary summit 'noted that the people of Zimbabwe are faced with difficult challenges and suffering that can only be addressed once an inclusive government is in place'.

Under President Ian Khama, Botswana broke ranks with the apologists' camp and joined the hitherto lone voice of the late Zambian president, Levy Mwanawasa in condemning Mugabe and his misrule. Mwanawasa's successor, Rupiah Banda has kept a low profile on the Zimbabwean crisis but nevertheless, he is not on Mugabe's side.  Tanzanian president and chairman of the African Union (AU), Jakaya Kikwete completes the triumvirate that genuinely seeks to find a lasting solution to the Zimbabwean crisis.  At the Pretoria summit, the trio pushed for a fresh poll under the supervision of the international community, specifically the AU and the United Nations.

However, with 12 (including Mugabe) of SADC's 15 member states' leaders routing for the failed power sharing agreement, the trio was clearly out-gunned. This equation was not helped by the fact that the new leadership of the region's economic and political powerhouse, South Africa, had of late been persuaded to join the Mugabe cheerleaders' group.

The 14-hour marathon summit was not an easy affair, those privy to the gathering say.  The only thing the pro and anti-Mugabe camps agreed on was that there should be a lasting solution to the crisis.  The difference was on how to arrive at the solution.  It was either a fresh poll or the power-sharing route.

Ultimately, the power sharing lobby had the day but with significant amendments to the original September 15, 2008 agreement. At last week's SADC meeting in Harare, Mugabe's ZANU-PF is known to have out-rightly refused to even look at the five issues raised by Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

The MDC had called for the enactment of constitutional amendment Number 19; the definition of National Security Council legislation; equitable allocation of portfolio ministries; the appointment of Provincial Governors and other senior positions; and the breaches of the Memorandum Of Understanding (MOU) and the Global Political Agreement (GPA). This week ZANU-PF is known to have 'agreed' to these issues and a further discussion on the outstanding ones under the auspices of an inclusive government.

The summit ultimately introduced timeframes and the Joint-Monitoring Implementation Committee (JOMIC) to the process.  Observers note the importance of the timeframes to the whole power sharing process, as it will provide timely monitoring and evaluation.

The Botswana acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ramadeluka Seretse described timeframes as important. He said that the idea is not to play politics with the lives of Zimbabweans. 'The question that was before us was whether we want to talk politics or to be pragmatic. There are no stipulations, particularly where there is a strong possibility for peace.'

Broadly, the extraordinary Summit decided that:

.the parties shall endeavour to cause parliament to pass the constitutional amendment 19 by February 5 2009

.the Prime Minister and the deputy Prime Minister shall be sworn in by February 11, 2009

. the ministers and deputy ministers shall be sworn in on February 13 2009, which will conclude the process of the formation on the inclusive government

.The Joint-Monitoring Implementation Committee (JOMIC), provided for in the Global Political Agreement shall be activated immediately. The first meeting of JOMIC shall be convened by the facilitator on January 30 2009 and shall, among other things, elect the chairpersons

. The allocation of ministerial portfolios endorsed by the SADC Extraordinary Summit held on November 9 2008 shall be reviewed six months after the inauguration of the inclusive government. 

. The appointments of the Reserve Bank Governor and the Attorney General will be dealt with by the inclusive government after its formation

. The negotiators of the parties shall meet immediately to consider the national security bill submitted by the MDCT-T as well as the formula for the distribution of governors.

Whether this latest deal will work remains to be seen.  Skeptics are, however, doubtful given that the process is primarily driven by one of the parties to the dispute - the ZANU-PF. The question that remains to be answered is whether in their haste to make the Zimbabwe crisis go away, SADC leaders have in fact legitimised a regime that stole an election?