Motshwarakgole-Boko rift takes new turn

Tsaone Basimanebotlhe | Monday September 14, 2026 08:32

What began as a political disagreement for the two has gradually developed into a broader contest over influence, particularly within the labour movement and the ruling party Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC). At the centre of the unfolding drama are two influential figures who, despite coming from the same political tradition, have taken markedly different paths. Motshwarakgole has built his influence largely through the trade union movement, while Boko has consolidated his position within party politics and, ultimately, the presidency. Motshwarakgole: The Union powerbroker There is little doubt that Motshwarakgole remains one of the most influential figures within Botswana’s trade union movement.

As a veteran unionist, he commands considerable respect amongst fellow union leaders, many of whom look to him for direction on major political and labour issues. His political roots, however, run deep in the BNF as Motshwarakgole once served as a BNF councillor and grew up within the structures of the party. Consequently, he understands the organisation, its internal dynamics and political culture. Nevertheless, his growing involvement in trade union activities gradually shifted his focus away from mainstream party politics. Over the years, Motshwarakgole has acquired a reputation as a political game changer, particularly because of his ability to influence how public sector workers vote. His pronouncements on voting have, at various times, attracted considerable attention, reflecting the political weight that trade unions can wield in Botswana.

That influence was particularly evident during the 2011 public sector strike, famously described as the “mother of all strikes”. Motshwarakgole was amongst the prominent figures at the forefront of the labour action, further cementing his standing within the union movement. By 2014, the trade unions had openly thrown their weight behind the newly formed Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), an alliance that included the BNF, Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD) and Botswana People’s Party (BPP). However, the relationship later deteriorated. By 2019, following the fallout between the trade union leadership and the UDC, the unions changed their political position. This was a significant development because the labour movement had previously been regarded as an important source of political and organisational support for the opposition.

The consequences were felt at the ballot box. The UDC’s performance declined in 2019, losing some key constituencies. Even Boko, who had become one of the most prominent opposition figures, failed to secure victory. Yet politics rarely follows a straight line. The 2024 General Election provided a dramatic twist. Boko and the UDC won by a landslide without the strong backing they had previously enjoyed from the trade unions. Consequently, Motshwarakgole’s influence will once again face a major test in next general election cycle slated for 2029. The question is whether the labour movement leaders can still significantly influence the political choices of their members, particularly now that Boko has demonstrated that he can win a national election without support of unions. Boko: The political strategist Like him or not, Boko has carved out a formidable name for himself in the country’s opposition politics. His political journey began remarkably early. At just 21, he served as an adviser to former BNF president Dr Kenneth Koma. At the time, the BNF’s operations were being conducted from Koma’s home in Village ward.

Boko’s rise within the BNF was not without controversy. In 2010, he contested the party presidency and won, despite a legal challenge from those who questioned his eligibility and party membership. Once at the helm, however, Boko began reshaping the BNF and changing how the party approached opposition politics. Importantly, the BNF had resolved in 2010 to work with other opposition parties. That decision eventually paved the way for the formation of the UDC, bringing together the BNF, BPP and Botswana Movement for Democracy. The coalition performed strongly in 2014, raising expectations that Botswana’s long-standing political order could eventually be challenged. However, the UDC suffered setbacks in 2019, losing several key constituencies. Even then, Boko refused to retreat. His 2019 campaign was aggressive and highly visible, almost resembling that of an incumbent party.

This was despite the withdrawal of trade union resources and the changing political landscape. In 2019, the Botswana Congress Party joined forces with the UDC. Boko’s political strength lies partly in his ability to reinvent himself and his political strategy. He is not necessarily a politician who responds immediately to pressure or provides instant answers. Instead, he often appears calculated, allowing events to unfold before making his move. That approach has sometimes frustrated his opponents and even his political allies. Nevertheless, it has also contributed to his image as a strategist whose next move is not always easy to predict. Some voters have supported him because of his radical political posture. Others have been attracted by the UDC’s promises, while some have credited him with transforming the opposition and giving it a stronger national presence.

More importantly, Boko has been tested repeatedly by his own party, political opponents and internal battles, yet he has remained resilient. His biggest political achievement came in 2024 when the UDC won the general election and formed government without the support of the trade unions that had once been regarded as an important political force behind the opposition. That victory has undoubtedly emboldened Boko going into 2029 General Election. A battle beyond 2019 Ultimately, the Motshwarakgole-Boko fallout is no longer simply about what happened in 2019. Rather, it has evolved into a bigger question about who holds political influence over Botswana’s workers, opposition supporters and the broader electorate. Motshwarakgole represents the enduring influence of organised labour, while Boko represents the growing power of electoral politics and party machinery.

The 2029 General Election could therefore, become the ultimate test. If Boko manages to increase the UDC’s popular vote without substantial trade union backing, his political independence will be further strengthened. Conversely, if the labour movement succeeds in mobilising workers against the government, Motshwarakgole’s influence could once again become a decisive factor.