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UDC, unions battle for influence in offing

Feeling the heat: Boko PIC: DGB
 
Feeling the heat: Boko PIC: DGB

What started as a political disagreement before the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) took power is now threatening to become a broader battle over influence, representation and the direction of the country’s new administration.

For Boko, the problem is particularly delicate. Some leaders of trade unions who once stood alongside the opposition movement are now amongst its loudest critics. Yet, ironically, the same leaders insist that trade unions helped create the political vehicle that eventually delivered victory for Boko and the UDC.

That history has left a complicated relationship, one that could have consequences for the governing coalition as it looks beyond its first electoral victory towards 2029. The roots of the fallout between Boko and sections of trade unions can be traced back to 2019, at the time, trade union leaders felt he had betrayed the opposition struggle by supporting then Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD) leader Sidney Pilane over Ndaba Gaolathe.

The subsequent political fallout contributed to further fragmentation within the opposition and eventually saw Gaolathe leaving to form the Alliance for Progressives (AP). For some union leaders, however, Boko’s political decisions went beyond the Pilane-Gaolathe dispute as they were also unhappy with his willingness to accommodate former president Ian Khama in the opposition campaign. That was despite Khama being viewed by sections of organised labour as hostile to the trade union movement, the decision raised questions about where Boko stood on workers’ interests. The consequences were political. Unlike in the 2014 General Election, when organised labour played a significant role in mobilising support for the opposition, some trade union leaders turned against the UDC. Rather than campaigning for the coalition, they embarked on efforts to undermine it. By the 2024 General Election, the relationship had deteriorated further, with some union leaders openly opposing the UDC and supporting the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). Yet, the UDC won decisively and formed government. That victory appears to have complicated the unions’ political position. The UDC managed to achieve what many had considered difficult without the backing of some of the trade union leaders who had previously been associated with the opposition project. Nevertheless, organised labour insists that its contribution to the creation of the UDC should not be forgotten simply because political alliances changed. At a recent press conference, Manual Workers Union consultant Johnson Motshwarakgole sought to remind the UDC leadership of that history. “We were behind UDC formation as we had deployed our resources and even those of the unions,” the trade union stalwart said. The unions believe they helped provide the political and material foundations upon which the UDC was built and therefore expect their contribution to be recognised, particularly now that the movement they helped establish is in government. While trade union leaders argue that they are speaking on behalf of workers, some observers believe that some of them may also be pursuing their own political interests. The argument is that union positions can provide leaders with political influence, which can subsequently be used as bargaining power when dealing with government and political parties. According to this view, the positions taken by some union leaders do not always reflect the views of the broader membership. Instead, critics argue some leaders may be using the authority attached to their positions to negotiate political relevance, influence or access. While, trade unions represent thousands of workers, but their leadership does not necessarily mean that every member shares the same political position. Indeed, the divisions seen during the 2024 elections demonstrated that workers, like the broader electorate, hold different political views. This makes it important for union leaders to distinguish clearly between issues affecting workers and broader political disagreements with the government. At the same time, government cannot simply dismiss organised labour as politically motivated whenever it raises uncomfortable questions. Workers have legitimate interests that require consultation, regardless of whether individual union leaders have political ambitions. Recently, union leaders accused the government of failing to meaningfully engage organised labour. International relations manager at the Manual Workers Union, Samuel Molaodi, accused the UDC government of becoming increasingly intolerant of opposing views. He argued that workers who disagree with the government risk being treated as adversaries; pointing to several court cases involving workers. Molaodi also challenged the government's argument that financial constraints limit what it can deliver, arguing that a lack of funds should not prevent meaningful consultation. He said the government may not have the financial resources to satisfy every demand from organised labour, but noted that consultation does not necessarily require money. 'It requires communication, engagement and a willingness to listen,' Molaodi told Mmegi. The UDC faces a delicate balancing act. It must protect its authority as government while ensuring that organised labour is not alienated. The unions, on the other hand, must decide how far they are prepared to push their political influence. They have already issued a warning that if the UDC fails to recognise their contribution and address their concerns, they could work to ensure that the party serves only one term. Meanwhile, trade unions have demonstrated their ability to mobilise workers and influence public discourse. Their role during previous elections showed that organised labour can become a significant political force when it chooses to campaign against a government. The 2014 elections remain an important reference point. During that time, the Manual Workers had published targeted blacklists and hit lists designed to decampaign and oust specific BDP cabinet ministers and legislators during both party primary elections and the national ballot. True to their targets some of the cabinet ministers lost attempts for re-election at both party and national levels.