Boko’s unfinished media battle
Tsaone Basimanebotlhe | Friday March 13, 2026 08:48
In fact, the tension appears to have become a recurring feature of the country’s political discourse. Rarely does time pass without the President, who also leads the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) and the Botswana National Front (BNF), using public platforms to criticise the country’s media.
His remarks often ignite debate about the role of journalism in a democracy and the boundaries between political leadership and media accountability. With only two months left before the global celebration of World Press Freedom Day on May 3, questions are beginning to surface about the state of press freedom in the country. Observers are increasingly asking whether the country’s media environment remains as open as it once was, and whether the rift between the President and the press will ever be repaired.
For many political watchers, the expectation had been that time would eventually heal the wounds between Boko and the fourth estate. During his years in opposition politics, the outspoken lawyer-cum-politician often accused State institutions of harassment and intimidation.
Yet, after assuming leadership of the country, he publicly indicated that he had forgiven several of those institutions, including the police, the infamous Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS), and the Botswana Unified Revenue Service (BURS). That willingness to forgive led many to believe that the same reconciliation gesture could eventually be extended to the media, if the media had ever wronged him.
However, the recent weekend leadership forum of the BNF, a leading coalition partner in the ruling UDC, suggested otherwise. The gathering, which had brought together party leaders to reflect on the state of the movement and its future direction, unexpectedly reopened old wounds between the President and journalists. What was meant to be a moment of reflection for party members soon became another platform where Boko aired his long-standing grievances with the media.
Addressing members, Boko reminded them of the sacrifices that had been made to build the party and bring it to power. Drawing from political communication theory, leaders often use such moments to reinforce collective memory and strengthen the identity of their supporters. By recounting the party’s struggles, Boko framed the BNF’s journey as a story of resilience against overwhelming odds.
“This is your party,” he told members. “You can grow it or make it die. Remember some who are late and our parents who put their bodies on the line for this party. Many people never believed this party would one day win. We were ruled out by some people, and the media was leading that narrative.”
According to Boko, many media houses repeatedly dismissed the possibility that the UDC could ever form a government. “We spread the appropriate message. We were undermined and condemned. Week in and week out, I was on the front page with the narrative that the UDC will never win,” he bemoaned.
The President went further to reveal that during the election period, he even used his own personal resources to commission professional researchers to assess whether the UDC stood a realistic chance of winning. According to him, those researchers suggested that victory was indeed possible. Yet, he claims, journalists said another story, and the then-ruling party also believed them.
He said most of the time, the UDC was not seen in the game or ranked third. He accused what he described as a “purchasable cohort of journalists” of deliberately refusing to acknowledge the political momentum of the UDC. Even after the coalition’s electoral success, he argued, some journalists remained reluctant to admit that their predictions were wrong.
The President also singled out radio stations and newspapers as the platforms that most aggressively criticised the coalition during its years in opposition. In his view, these outlets helped shape a narrative that undermined public confidence in the party’s prospects.
Such criticism from Boko is not new. In previous public statements, he once claimed that as much as 90 percent of what is written in newspapers was untrue, a remark that had sparked heated debate amongst media practitioners and civil society groups. That comment alone triggered discussions about the credibility of journalism and the responsibilities that come with press freedom.
Boko has also accused journalists of defaming individuals who have spent years building their reputations, arguing that some reporters fail to verify information or allow all sides of a story to respond before publication. “We're saying all this because we pity them; they will be sued by people they offend,” he once said, suggesting that his criticism is intended as a warning rather than hostility.
Long before he ascended to the presidency, he was widely respected for defending civil liberties and championing democratic values. That legacy makes his frequent criticism of the media both striking and controversial.
As President of Botswana, Boko is not only a political leader but also a national figure expected to represent and protect democratic institutions. Some observers worry that harsh rhetoric directed at the press could embolden security agencies, political supporters, or other actors to view journalists as enemies rather than partners in democracy.
At the same time, the media itself is not immune to criticism. Many analysts argue that journalists must continuously reflect on their professional standards, particularly in an era where misinformation spreads rapidly across digital platforms. Issues such as fact-checking, balance, and ethical reporting remain central to maintaining public trust.
As the globe moves closer to the next World Press Freedom Day, the ongoing friction between President Boko and the media will likely remain a topic of intense national debate. Whether the two sides will eventually find common ground remains uncertain.