The plight of the rural voter
tshwetso jojo chimbombi | Monday December 1, 2025 06:00
While the victors celebrated, the unfortunate contenders dismissed the outcome as not accurately reflecting the nationwide perspective. Understandably, a lot was riding on this election. It has been a year since the UDC took power, and many saw this as a litmus test, a definitive measure in what will be a continuous assessment until the 2029 elections.
So, I ask the question: Is there really a rural-urban dichotomy in Botswana’s voting patterns?
Academic literature generally purports the existence of this rural-urban dichotomy, particularly citing differences in education and differential exposure to political information between urban and rural voters. It is suggested that rural voters are more likely to vote for ruling parties, while urban voters are more likely to vote for the opposition. So, I ask again, is this rural-urban dichotomy in voting patterns evidenced in Botswana?
The first challenge in answering this question in Botswana lies in the difficulty of defining what we consider an urban setting. I would struggle to define where Lobatse, Maun, Palapye and so forth would lie. One thing is for certain: Gaborone is considered urban and will therefore serve as my proxy for the urban voter. The opposition won Gaborone for the first time in 1984.
They won it unanimously and sustained this through to the 1999 elections, when their urban dominance reduced to 75%. They go on to win 80% in 2004, 20% in 2009, 80% in 2014, 0% in 2019, and 100% in 2024. Given this data, I would argue that the evidence of urban voters leaning towards the opposition in Botswana is inconclusive.
As for the rural voting patterns, the ruling party has enjoyed dominance over most of rural Botswana since Independence, with one glaring outlier being the Okavango. Out of 13 elections, the Okavango has gone to the ruling party only three times. If I am to draw a conclusion on the theory of rural voters being inclined to vote for the ruling party, the theory may have some merit, but it would require a more detailed analysis.
My answer to the question on whether there is a rural-urban dichotomy in voting patterns in Botswana is, therefore, also inconclusive. A dichotomy would suggest a contrast in voting patterns. There is no definitive evidence that the rural voter is expected to vote contrary to the urban voter. Why then is the election outcome in Kgalagadi South dismissed by some based on it being determined by the rural voter, and therefore, not a legitimate reflection of the nation at large?
It would appear that the rural voter is perceived as inferior in thought and decision-making. The rural voter is assumed to vote for the hand that feeds them.
The said online critics appear to want to assume a pedagogical role, framing rural voters as lacking and needing political education. I would draw similarities to the Enlightenment philosophers who sought to define progress for others through their own lenses, undermining any that does not align with their own perception. For these critics, there is a ‘geography of reason’; urban settings serving as a place where correct ideas are born and borne. My gut feeling is that it may not be the rural-urban classification that is at the root of its lesser regard, but rather the historic neglect that has come to define Kgalagadi South.
Its single, poorly maintained road defines this region. It is defined by the repetitive promise of an adequate hospital that seems to live only within the pages of the national development plan. It is a region where if you need critical medical attention, your life depends on the possibility of being airlifted to Gaborone because we are not only far removed from decent healthcare, but our roads are also dilapidated. The saying “o mo leele jaaka tsela ya Kgakagadi” could well be a commentary on what has become our disadvantage.
It is a region where we are cautious of perishables in fear of blackouts, due to reliance on ESKOM for power. It is a region where our grandparents are devoid of care because the youth is only present on significant holidays, living as migrants in Gaborone in pursuit of jobs. In this region, if you are fortunate enough to afford to build a decent house, you’re likely to be migrating from Gaborone twelve times a year at most to enjoy your home. Most thankfully, it is a region where the local general dealer is still thriving because our dispersed population would not be viable for the bigger supermarkets outside of Tsabong.
When the Kgalagadi South voter is mobilised, we pour in from the numerous cattle posts that sustain our livelihoods. The electoral commission is aware of this, which is why we see voting stations in several cattle posts across our constituency. It is a sweet irony that the electoral commission can reach these remote areas where much needed essential services such as health and education dare not be taken. When we are summoned, we arrive not in combis and sedans, but in carriages and on horseback. Perhaps this is why our vote is equal to the other but less equal than the other. That may forever be the plight of the rural voter. That may forever be our plight.