It cannot be gainsaid that our democratic institutions have passed the stress test occasioned by such a change-over. A functioning constitutional democracy provides transparent and predictable processes, whose outcome is unpredictable but still ensures that there is certainty. Granted, the British Westminster system of government, that Botswana and other commonwealth countries follow, has its unique inherent built-in mechanisms, which are a norm and practised by all countries that subscribe to that system. For instance, for those that follow the First Past The Post electoral system, it is assumed that the party that achieves 50% plus one of the seats in Parliament forms the next government soon after the results of the elections are declared. There is also a constitutional pathway to be followed if the outcome of the elections produces a hung Parliament.
That is as far as it goes. In the case of Botswana, for instance, there is no law that sets out transitional arrangements that ought to kick in when a new government takes over. This lacuna has been placed into sharp focus during this transition period because a new party has taken over. It was not easily recognisable in the past because it was the continuation of the same party guided by the same ideology, principles, and policies. On the face of it, the transition from a Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) government to a UDC administration has gone extremely well so far, what with former president Mokgweetsi Masisi, not only conceding but also being gracious in defeat and handing over seamlessly to his successor, Duma Boko. This phase of the transition culminated in the colourful stadium-packed inauguration ceremony of the new President, which was yet another celebration of our democracy. No doubt the transition so far has accentuated Botswana’s record as a shining example of democracy and an oasis of peace in the region. A transition, especially in the context of a change of government with a new party taking over from another one, as is the case in Botswana presently, is a disruptive continuous process that will be ongoing for the next 12 or so months. A transition period such as this one is not only critical but sensitive. Depending on how the new government handles it, this process of transition has the potential to break or make the UDC government. The new administration cannot leave the transition to be directed by technocrats who are dyed in the BDP wool. Being the new governing party, the UDC must take the lead and demonstrate to the electorate that it is not business as usual. Now that Cabinet ministers have been appointed, without disrupting the day-to-day functions of government, or micro-managing technocrats, the UDC government must put its foot forward and give direction otherwise it will not be able to implement its campaign promises and bring about the transformation agenda that they campaigned on, but also respond to domestic challenges. The UDC in government cannot afford to follow the BDP template as it appears to be the case so far. They were elected on a 'change' platform.
