It cannot be gainsaid that our democratic institutions have passed the stress test occasioned by such a change-over. A functioning constitutional democracy provides transparent and predictable processes, whose outcome is unpredictable but still ensures that there is certainty. Granted, the British Westminster system of government, that Botswana and other commonwealth countries follow, has its unique inherent built-in mechanisms, which are a norm and practised by all countries that subscribe to that system. For instance, for those that follow the First Past The Post electoral system, it is assumed that the party that achieves 50% plus one of the seats in Parliament forms the next government soon after the results of the elections are declared. There is also a constitutional pathway to be followed if the outcome of the elections produces a hung Parliament.
That is as far as it goes. In the case of Botswana, for instance, there is no law that sets out transitional arrangements that ought to kick in when a new government takes over. This lacuna has been placed into sharp focus during this transition period because a new party has taken over. It was not easily recognisable in the past because it was the continuation of the same party guided by the same ideology, principles, and policies. On the face of it, the transition from a Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) government to a UDC administration has gone extremely well so far, what with former president Mokgweetsi Masisi, not only conceding but also being gracious in defeat and handing over seamlessly to his successor, Duma Boko. This phase of the transition culminated in the colourful stadium-packed inauguration ceremony of the new President, which was yet another celebration of our democracy. No doubt the transition so far has accentuated Botswana’s record as a shining example of democracy and an oasis of peace in the region. A transition, especially in the context of a change of government with a new party taking over from another one, as is the case in Botswana presently, is a disruptive continuous process that will be ongoing for the next 12 or so months. A transition period such as this one is not only critical but sensitive. Depending on how the new government handles it, this process of transition has the potential to break or make the UDC government. The new administration cannot leave the transition to be directed by technocrats who are dyed in the BDP wool. Being the new governing party, the UDC must take the lead and demonstrate to the electorate that it is not business as usual. Now that Cabinet ministers have been appointed, without disrupting the day-to-day functions of government, or micro-managing technocrats, the UDC government must put its foot forward and give direction otherwise it will not be able to implement its campaign promises and bring about the transformation agenda that they campaigned on, but also respond to domestic challenges. The UDC in government cannot afford to follow the BDP template as it appears to be the case so far. They were elected on a 'change' platform.
The new government must break the BDP mould and stamp its authority on how the country is governed going forward in all arms of government, namely, the Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary. For instance, the way ministers answer to questions in Parliament must be different in terms of orientation and emphasis, reflecting the UDC policy and philosophy. Of course, ministers will encounter challenges as they interface with technocrats in their respective departments because they are set in the old ways of doing things. The ministers, who are there to ensure that they deliver on the UDC’s promises must put their foot down and ensure that they crush the resistance so long as they are doing that within the four corners of the law. The first thing that the UDC should have done as soon as it became apparent that they were winning the elections four weeks ago, should have been to form a Transition Task Team. The team would help the ruling party to lead in an impactful way and be able to realise its campaign promises and do that meaningfully without shooting aimlessly in the air. That team should not be a structure within government, but a purely UDC party structure separate from the executive. It must be a UDC interim structure to coordinate in an orderly fashion how the transition going forward should unfold. Essentially, transition teams are responsible for policy planning and management agendas to turn campaign promises into governing, but also to influence the selection of personnel in strategic positions. As things stand, the UDC is not in charge of the transition. The transition process is being led by technocrats, which is an anomaly. The UDC Transition Task Team, which would be outside government, must develop a clear policy agenda, but also a set of legislative, executive, and budget proposals based on the campaign platform focusing on the immediate, medium, and long-term (five-year) milestones that the party has set itself to achieve. It is this Team that should help the President identify the low-hanging fruits, which can be harvested within 100 days from the day of his inauguration. Effective governance on a national scale depends on the alignment of the civil service with the policy direction and philosophy of the new government.
The Transition Task Team must understand the structure and goals of the various agencies, parastatals, regulatory bodies, etc, and develop a plan for each one of them to be able to help the new administration execute its mandate in a way that will change the lives of Batswana meaningfully. The Transition Task Team should comprise professionals with varied expertise. The UDC already has a strong policy and strategy committee, led by Dr Patrick Molotsi, which could be used as the core of the Transition Task Team. They could strengthen the team with other professionals from different disciplines. The expertise is abundant amongst supporters of the three parties that constitute the UDC, and identifying such talent should not be a problem. It should not be people who are looking for jobs in the new administration otherwise they cannot be objective in their advice. There are many Batswana professionals in the private sector who would be willing to assist if asked to because they want this government to succeed. If the transition proceeds the way it is now, without the party giving direction, and the government left to its own designs, before they know it, the new rulers will be engaged in firefighting and derailed from executing their mandate. It cannot be business as usual. If the UDC adapts to the old BDP ways of doing things by allowing technocrats to determine the time and pace at which the change should take place, then the UDC government will die like the one it just succeeded.
